Varför får enskilda ledare så mycket uppmärksamhet inom organisationer och i media? Hur ska en bra ledare vara? Finns det internationella ledarskapsideal? Hur tar sig ideal uttryck i praktiken? Hur kan en organisation ledas ”bara” genom visioner och värderingar? Det här är några av de frågor som ställs i Ledarskapande Retorik. För att söka svar kommer tre vetenskapliga områden att föras samman; ledarskapsteori, aristotelisk dygdeetik och retorik. De ledarskapsteorier som används och utvecklas är karisma, romantisering, autentiskt, värdebaserat, symboliskt och konstituerande ledarskap. I en första fallstudie kartläggs och analyseras FN:s generalsekreterare. Vilka normer följer de och vilka dygder tillskrivs dem? I en andra fallstudie analyseras berättelserna om en av de främsta generalsekreterarna; Dag Hammarskjöld. Vad kan skapa en ledare? Hur kan ideal ta sig uttryck? Boken bidrar till att belysa föreställningar om och förväntningar på ledarskap. Här visas hur ledarskap uppstår genom identifikation genom bland annat allmänmänskliga, klassiska ideal, autenticitet, distans och mystik. Ledarskapande retorik handlar om att ledare ska ha färg, framstå som autentiska, ska leva sina ideal och agera sina visioner Lena Lid Andersson är forskare och lärare vid Handelshögskolan i Stockholm. Hon föreläser också vid IFL Executive Education och SSE Russia. Lena undervisar i teoretisk och praktisk retorik, samt organisations- och ledarskapsteori. Hon har egna erfarenheter av ledarskap och hon föreläser i företag och organisationer. Lena har tidigare publicerat texter bland annat i antologierna Osynlig Företagsledning, Talandets lust och vånda och Invisible Management.

I have conducted a survey of the economic sanctions on Iraq 1990-2003 and focused on how the sanctions were implemented and how economic sanctions work in practice. In particular, I have researched the objectives the United Nations had for implementing economic punishment on Iraq, how they came into use and the outcome of it in brief. As for the million-dollar question: Were the economic sanctions on Iraq efficient and did they “work”? My opinion stands clear that economic sanctions can work in the future. The sanction policy faced major problems in Iraq, but it also disarmed the Iraqi dictator and gave more autonomous power for the Kurds in the north. They did not “work” as the world community had expected, but no one knows what the outcome would have been if the United Nations had not reacted with such determination as they did in this matter. It is easy to be wise after the event, and it is my personal wish that economic sanctions can be used in the future, as an alternative to open war, but with a lower cost in terms of civilian lives.

This dissertation investigates whether and why social structure influences cooperative organizational strategic decision making in an international relations context, and in particular, similar voting in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). The economic and institutional embeddedness of organizations which are operationalized using network concepts are posited as and found to be influences. Additionally, nested institutional embeddedness is investigated in an inter-organizational setting. Based on a sensitivity analysis, nested organizational embeddedness can potentially have both negative and positive effects. Multiple issues and network methodology combined with an enormous and varied data set offer a wide-range of future research opportunities. More specifically, trade, military alliances, diplomatic visits, and two-mode International Government Organizational (IGO) networks affect voting behaviour in the UNGA due to power and influence relationships that demand or encourage organizational level reciprocity, either as vote buying in backroom bargaining situations or for compliance reasons; maintaining the nation’s good reputation is of importance in international relations. Each type of inter-organizational network involves an interesting theoretical twist that makes it worth researching and while theory testing is the primary objective, outcomes include practical implications for negotiators. Finally, an advantageous data set offers an excellent context for unique and successful testing of embeddedness view concepts in tighter causal relationships compared to other studies that observe performance rather than decision outcomes. Moreover, the methodological approach is a demonstration of how to deal with a multi-faceted econometric challenge.

This dissertation investigates whether and why social structure influences cooperative organizational strategic decision making in an international relations context, and in particular, similar voting in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). The economic and institutional embeddedness of organizations which are operationalized using network concepts are posited as and found to be influences. Additionally, nested institutional embeddedness is investigated in an inter-organizational setting. Based on a sensitivity analysis, nested organizational embeddedness can potentially have both negative and positive effects. Multiple issues and network methodology combined with an enormous and varied data set offer a wide-range of future research opportunities. More specifically, trade, military alliances, diplomatic visits, and two-mode International Government Organizational (IGO) networks affect voting behaviour in the UNGA due to power and influence relationships that demand or encourage organizational level reciprocity, either as vote buying in backroom bargaining situations or for compliance reasons; maintaining the nation’s good reputation is of importance in international relations. Each type of inter-organizational network involves an interesting theoretical twist that makes it worth researching and while theory testing is the primary objective, outcomes include practical implications for negotiators. Finally, an advantageous data set offers an excellent context for unique and successful testing of embeddedness view concepts in tighter causal relationships compared to other studies that observe performance rather than decision outcomes. Moreover, the methodological approach is a demonstration of how to deal with a multi-faceted econometric challenge.

HIV/AIDS is an urgent health issue in many areas of the world, particularly in Africa. In addition to reaching pandemic status, HIV/AIDS is also being elevated to the level of a security threat. While this is occurring both nationally and internationally, the United Nations is leading this securitization attempt. The UN has been able to engage in this attempt as it is the most influential international organization and the leading norm promoting organization. Securitization is an analytic process that traces how issues become identified and understood as security threats. This concept originated within the Copenhagen school of security studies, and this is the framework that this paper relies on to analyze the connection between HIV/AIDS and security. The connection between HIV/AIDS and security is now widely internalized, accepted and even promoted by national governments, international organizations, and non-governmental organizations. However, the successful securitization of HIV/AIDS has yet to be fully explored, understood, or tested. This paper undertakes this task, and relies on the Copenhagen process of securitization to trace the security discourse initiated from the UN, down through four selected case studies. It identifies which of the key Copenhagen requirements for securitization have been met, and which have not been met, ultimately leading to the conclusion that the United Nations prompted a successful internal securitization and an unsuccessful external securitization. This paper concludes that the current Copenhagen school process of securitization is flawed and is inadequate for studying today’s emerging non-traditional threats. In particular, it is unable to trace the securitization of HIV/AIDS as a result of stringent and unrepresentative criterions. It attempts to move forward by offering a rationale and direction to begin updating the Copenhagen process of securitization.

Corporate social responsibility is a concept widely discussed by businesses and has come to describe the relationship between business and society. For some it means the idea o legal responsibility, an ethical behaviour and some equate it with charitable contribution. The World Business Council for Sustainable Development (Hopkins, 2007: 25) defines CSR as follows:   "Corporate Social Responsibility is the continuing commitment by business to contribute to economic development while improving the quality of life of the workforce and their families as well as of the community and society at large."   The relationship is increasingly striving to counteract a variety of problems that are associated with the contemporary globalization, such as violation of human and labour rights along with environmental challenges and is well-mentioned both by academics and businessmen. Within the Indian carpet industry, child labour has become a hot topic due to major scandals on the issues in the 1990s. Though, the meaning of corporate social responsibility is less common. The purpose of this study is to examine the Indian carpet industry’s awareness and use of the international agenda of corporate social responsibility, hence how the carpet export houses approach the responsibility. Also, the purpose is to examine how the carpet weavers are affected by the policies and actions of the export houses.   A field study with an ethnographical approach has been conducted through the use of interviews and observations in the district of Bhadohi, state of Uttar Pradesh in India. The interviewees consisted of workers working with the finishing processes of carpets at two export houses’ factories as well as carpet weavers at the looms in the villages. The findings from the interviews were analyzed through the use of parts of the Sustainable Livelihood Framework and with this approach the weavers’ access to assets is analyzed in relation to the export houses’ applying of the international agenda of CSR, more precise in this study, the UN Global Compact’s principles of CSR. The main findings from this study show that the CSR principles of the UN Global Compact were followed to different extents by the export houses since they are prioritizing some principles before others. The distribution of responsibilities differs depending on the management of the export house, mainly because of how the demands from the buyers and consumers look like. Also, the prioritizing of the export houses has become to affect the weavers’ socio-economic situation and for some the access to assets has increased. Furthermore, the study reveal that corporate social responsibility to a large extent is directed and influenced by the buyers’ and consumers’ (mainly stationed abroad in Western countries) demand. Thereby, through the complex system of sub-contracting, carpet weavers are affected differently since CSR is interpreted and used in various ways that are considered as most “suitable” to the export house.

HIV/AIDS is an urgent health issue in many areas of the world, particularly in Africa. In addition to reaching pandemic status, HIV/AIDS is also being elevated to the level of a security threat. While this is occurring both nationally and internationally, the United Nations is leading this securitization attempt. The UN has been able to engage in this attempt as it is the most influential international organization and the leading norm promoting organization. Securitization is an analytic process that traces how issues become identified and understood as security threats. This concept originated within the Copenhagen school of security studies, and this is the framework that this paper relies on to analyze the connection between HIV/AIDS and security. The connection between HIV/AIDS and security is now widely internalized, accepted and even promoted by national governments, international organizations, and non-governmental organizations. However, the successful securitization of HIV/AIDS has yet to be fully explored, understood, or tested. This paper undertakes this task, and relies on the Copenhagen process of securitization to trace the security discourse initiated from the UN, down through four selected case studies. It identifies which of the key Copenhagen requirements for securitization have been met, and which have not been met, ultimately leading to the conclusion that the United Nations prompted a successful internal securitization and an unsuccessful external securitization. This paper concludes that the current Copenhagen school process of securitization is flawed and is inadequate for studying today’s emerging non-traditional threats. In particular, it is unable to trace the securitization of HIV/AIDS as a result of stringent and unrepresentative criterions. It attempts to move forward by offering a rationale and direction to begin updating the Copenhagen process of securitization.

In international relations, ¡§Foreign Aid¡¨ is a perfect tool to perform the diplomatic policy of a country. In the aspect of theory discussion, the development of foreign aid theory exists the arguments about idealism and realism. The idealist estimates the foreign aid policy according to humanism and moral standards, but the realist emphasizes the key point to provide foreign aid or not according to the benefit of nation. Since 1970, in order to get the identification, support, and the authority of the third world nations, and to compress the international society existence of Taiwan, the Communist Party of China uses plenty of economic aids as the tool to pursue their diplomatic objectives. In the post cold war era, the diplomacy competition for the third world nations between Taiwan and the Communist Party of China is more violent than ever. This situation can be known by the facts that the Communist Party of China had tried to join the United Nations vigorously before 1971 and that Taiwan is also more vigorous to return to the United Nations and to join the World Health Organization. No matter to return or to join the United Nations, Taiwan and the Communist Party of China both need more affirmative votes of the third world nations in the United Nations General Assembly to achieve their objectives. So, in the diplomacy competition of both sides of strait, Taiwan and the Communist Party of China need more support of the third world nations. Relatively, both sides of strait in order to get the identification of the third world nations both use foreign aid to draw an outsider to one¡¦s side and to establish diplomatic relations. That Taiwan and the Communist Party of China both use the influences of nations with foreign relation to generate the mutually beneficial and subtle interactive relations is worth to be observed and discussed.

The main aim of this dissertation is to analyze the idea and practice of handing over the administration of a territory to the United Nations on a temporary basis in response to manage and settle the consequences of a dispute concerning the future status of that territory. The United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) are novel examples in this respect since they present both the opportunities offered and the challenges experienced by the international administrations and give clear guidelines for the future state-building engagements. Since the end of the Cold War, there emerged a definitive trend toward accepting a more interventionary role for the UN. Taking the changing nature of interventionism into account, within the scope of this dissertation, the foremost focus will be on the post-intervention period where peacebuilding and state-building processes take place in war-torn societies. Thereby, international transitional administrations which represent the most complex and comprehensive peace operations attempted by the United Nations will be the focal point of the study. Since such administrations assume some or all of the sovereign powers of an independent state, in a period when neo-interventionism and suspended or conditional sovereignty are debated, the degree of executive, legislative and judicial authority assumed by transitional administrations is worth to consider.

The thesis reviews and assesses the role and impact of the United Nations (UN) in the fight against the recent wave of international terrorism, understood as global jihadism, with a view to developing an understanding and awareness of the Organization&#039 / s relevance and distinct position in the global counter-terrorism campaign, while at the same time, providing insight as to how to best combat the phenomenon, through an analysis of the threat posed by al-Qaida and weighing the threat against the real and potential capabilities available at the disposal of the world body. The analysis reveals that while considerable progress has been made with respect to diminishing the organizational and operational capabilities of al-Qaida through the collective mobilization of hard or &lsquo / protective&rsquo / policy instruments in the wake of 9/11, progress has been fairly unsatisfactory in addressing the softer or &lsquo / preventive&rsquo / aspects of counter-terrorism aimed at reducing the conditions conducive to terrorism. Furthermore, while the UN offers unique capabilities in the fields of technical assistance provision and cooperation and coherence building, its efforts are severely undermined by the lack of consensus and commitment on the part of the UN member states, and to a lesser extent, by its own organizational shortcomings. Overall, the analysis of policy responses of the UN and the international community in the context of terrorism is expected to bring perspective to the future of the world organization and its evolution to assume a potentially more proactive and preventive role in dealing with the most pressing and interconnected threats to international peace and security in the early 21st century, one of which is the global jihadist movement.