The challenges faced by the global food and agriculture system in the twenty-first century are unlikely to be resolved through the implementation of neoliberal policies, most notably promoting market liberalisation, privatisation and financialisation. Many of these policies have also supported industrial agriculture, which has led to the production of many global public bads, such as significant greenhouse gas emissions and water pollution. However, industrial agriculture is not the only method of food production: sustainable agriculture is better placed to provide a wide range of global public goods (GPGs), including environmental protection and rural livelihood development, in addition to sufficient nutritious food. Therefore, there should be a move towards promoting sustainable agriculture with a focus on eradicating hunger and improving food security. The United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) can play a crucial role in ensuring agriculture provides the GPGs required. FAO also produces a number of GPGs through its three main roles; measurement, convening and norms and standards setting. This thesis asks if FAO is in a position to provide a food secure world. It also asks if the organisation is in a stronger position to provide the GPGs required following its extensive recent reform. Finally, it asks if a shift in emphasis towards the provision of GPGs will offer an alternative to neoliberalism.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze agenda manipulation in international negotiations. The analysis is focused on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its conferences in the past three year. A theoretical framework of agenda manipulation is established and the conferences are analyzed through a series of comparative case studies. The theoretical framework offer insight into 1) power politics and state interest, 2) negotiation as a method to manage external relations, 3) the existing framework in which the actors try to advance their agenda and 4) the various internal and external influences on state behavior.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar uma operação de manutenção da paz considerada bem sucedida, a Misión de Observadores de las Naciones Unidas em El Salvador (ONUSAL). A dissertação será dividida em dois artigos: o Artigo I da dissertação será apresentado como revisão bibliográfica da literatura sobre as Operações de Manutenção da Paz, desde sua criação, incluindo um exame de seus casos notórios; o Artigo II será apresentado como um estudo de caso sobre a atuação da ONUSAL em El Salvador durante a guerra civil. A hipótese que orienta este estudo é que, apesar dos notórios fracassos da década de 90, as PKOs constituem-se como instrumento relevante para a manutenção da paz e segurança internacionais, capaz de criar condições para auxiliar os Estados a reestabelecerem e manterem a paz após um conflito. Segundo nossa análise, a ONUSAL constitui-se como um caso bem sucedido de atuação das PKOs. / This study has the purpose of analyzing a Peacekeeping Operation regarded as successful, the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL). The dissertation consists of two articles: Article I will be submitted as a literature review of Peacekeeping Operations, since its inception, including an examination of its notorious cases; Article II will be submitted as a case study of ONUSAL\'s performance in El Salvador during the civil war. The hypothesis guiding this study is that, despite the notorious failures of the 90s, the PKOs are important instruments for the maintenance of international peace and security, capable of setting conditions to assist States in re-establishing and maintaining peace after a conflict. According to our analysis, ONUSAL represents a successful case regarding PKOs.

A Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) foi criada com o objetivo precípuo de assegurar e promover a paz mundial. Em mais de 60 anos de existência, a Organização ainda não logrou implementar a força militar permanente (ver artigo 47, parágrafo 3º da Carta da ONU) que seria a principal encarregada pela consecução desse objetivo por intermédio da coordenação da Comissão de Estado Maior. O fato de não ter constituído a referida força não significou a paralisação da ONU nos assuntos concernentes à paz. Demonstrando grande poder de adaptação, a Organização implementou as Missões de Paz, embora estas não existam oficialmente em seu estatutos. As missões de paz da ONU são a face mais visível do trabalho da Organização na promoção da paz mundial. Em 58 anos de existência, essas missões têm evoluído em quantidade e complexidade, exigindo, cada vez mais, recursos materiais e humanos. Em 1999, o estabelecimento da Missão de Paz no Timor Leste chamou a atenção da comunidade internacional por diversos motivos. Àquela época, a Instituição passava por uma crise de credibilidade provocada pela sua inação nos episódios inicias do Kosovo naquele mesmo ano. Não obstante, logrou desenvolver no Timor Leste a mais bem sucedida missão de paz jamais estabelecida em qualquer outra época de sua história. No Timor, a ONU assumiu todas as funções de governo a fim de ali desenvolver as bases necessárias ao nascimento de um Estado. Este estudo tem por finalidade fazer uma análise de todo esse processo, ressaltando a importância e o significado que essa missão teve no contexto das operações de paz das Nações Unidas. / The United Nations (UN) was created with the primary purpose of ensuring and promoting world peace. In over 60 years of existence, the Organization has not yet succeeded in implementing a permanent military force (see article 47, paragraph 3 of the UN Charter) that would be the main responsible for the attainment of this goal, acting under the coordination of the Military Staff Committee. The fact that the UN failed to constitute the aforesaid force does not mean it is inert when it comes to subjects concerning peace. Demonstrating a great power of adaptation, the Organization implemented the Peacekeeping Missions, although these do not officially exist in its statutes. The UN Peacekeeping Missions are the most visible face of the Organization’s work towards the promotion of world peace. In 58 years of existence, these missions have been evolving in quantity and complexity, increasingly demanding material and human resources. In 1999, the establishment of the Peacekeeping Mission in East Timor called the attention of the international community for a range of reasons. By that time, the Institution was undergoing a crisis of confidence due to its inaction in the early episodes of Kosovo that very year. Still, it managed to develop in East Timor the most successful peacekeeping mission ever established in its history. In Timor, the UN also took over all the government functions in order to develop there the necessary bases for the birth of a State. This study aims at analyzing this whole process, stressing the importance and meaning that this mission had within the context of the UN peacekeeping operations.

Soft power is a significant aspect of India’s identity in the international community. Moreover, India has committed itself in being a cooperative, active member of the international community. In an alternative theory of power within the field of international relations, I argue that while soft power reasons that states are not only shaped by threats, bribes, persuasion, and co-optation, but also by norms. Strikingly, India was pushed by the United States and the Soviet Union to join the Security Council in 1950 and 1955 respectively as a permanent seat member. However, India refused these offers and instead, supported the People’s Republic China for the position. Since the early 1990s, India has actively pursued permanent membership to the Security Council and various reforms by convincing other countries to support its bid. Thus, in the case of India and its quest for permanent membership in the Security Council, an alternative way of thinking about soft power is the ability to serve as an effective player in international politics and influencing other countries’ long-standing positions and preferences on this matter.

Les activités menées au sein de l’ONU, ainsi que de son prédécesseur, la Société des Nations, ont jouées un rôle fondamental dans la détermination de la position qu’occupent actuellement les “peuples autochtones” dans le champ politique international. En adoptant une approche constructiviste, l’auteure montre que le comportement des organisations internationales face aux peuples autochtones relève de processus anciens, qui sont désormais codifiés dans les “identités” de ces institutions. Elle explique en suite comment l’interaction entre un tel héritage et des conjonctures historiques et politiques particulières (le système colonial, la décolonisation et le scénario postcolonial contemporain) a généré une “pensée institutionnelle sur les peuples autochtones”, définie comme un ensemble de catégories, de connaissances et de normes que ces organisations associent aux peuples autochtones, et qui déterminent leur relation institutionnelle avec eux. A l’aide des outils méthodologiques et conceptuels propres à l’anthropologie politique et au droit international, l’auteure analyse en perspective historique l’évolution de la “pensée institutionnelle sur les peuples autochtones” au sein de l’UNESCO et de la FAO. Jusqu’aux années quatre-vingt-dix, ces organisations ont établi une relation avec les peuples autochtones qui reproduisait la domination exercée sur eux dans le cadre du système international westphalien. Cette recherche démontre que la relation institutionnelle entre ces agences spécialisées et les peuples autochtones change graduellement, sous l’influence du développement des “questions autochtones” au sein de l’ONU et notamment après l’adoption de la Déclaration des droits des peuples autochtones en 2007. Si les initiatives prises par les deux agences en réponse aux nouveaux contextes ne réfléchissent qu’un premier stade de transformation institutionnelle, elles ouvrent tout de même une fenêtre d’opportunités pour que les peuples autochtones jouent un rôle dans la construction de leur réalité et, par conséquent, dans la concrétisation de leurs aspirations politiques au niveau national et international. / The activities of the United Nations, and its predecessor, the League of Nations, has been fundamental to determining the position which the collectivities recognized today as “indigenous peoples” have occupied in the international political field. Adopting a social constructivist approach, this thesis posits that the behaviour of international organizations vis-à-vis indigenous peoples is rooted in processes which date back centuries and which have been codified in the “identities” of these institutions. This historical baggage has subsequently been remolded in different historical and political contexts (the colonial system, the decolonization era, and the contemporary postcolonial scenario), transforming the set of categories, knowledge, and norms which these organizations have associated with indigenous peoples, and which we refer to as “lo indígena”, into an object which has had distinct meanings and connotations throughout the years.With the assistance of tools borrowed from the disciplines of political anthropology and international law, this thesis analyzes, from a historical perspective, the manner in which UNESCO and FAO have treated “lo indígena”. Until the nineties, these organizations had, in the main, constructed a relation with indigenous peoples which reproduced the domination the State exerted over them in the context of the Westphalian system. The thesis illustrates that today, encouraged by the institutionalization of indigenous issues in the UN, in particular following the adoption of the Declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples in 2007, this relation is gradually changing. The initiatives being implemented by these specialized agencies, in order to satisfy the expectations which this new international context has given rise to, reflect an initial step in institutional transformation. They nevertheless open a window of opportunity for indigenous peoples to have a role in the construction of their own realities and, in doing so, to realize their political aspirations at national and international levels. / El trabajo realizado por la ONU, así como el de su predecesora, la Sociedad de Naciones, ha sido fundamental en la determinación del lugar que las colectividades que hoy día se reconocen como “pueblos indígenas” han ocupado en el campo político internacional. Partiendo de un enfoque constructivista social, consideramos que el comportamiento de las organizaciones internacionales frente a los pueblos indígenas encuentra sus raíces en procesos que remontan a muchos siglos y que se han codificado en sus “identidades”. Ese bagaje ha interactuado con coyunturas históricas y políticas precisas (el sistema colonial, la descolonización y el escenario postcolonial contemporáneo), volviendo lo indígena (un conjunto de categorías, conocimiento y normas que esas organizaciones han asociado a los pueblos indígenas) un objeto que ha tenido significados diferentes a lo largo de los años. Con la ayuda de herramientas de antropología política, así como de derecho internacional, analizamos en perspectiva histórica el tratamiento de lo indígena en la UNESCO y la FAO. Hasta los años noventas, esas organizaciones construyeron una relación con los pueblos indígenas que reproducía la dominación que sobre ellos recayó en el marco del sistema internacional westfaliano. Demostramos que actualmente esa relación cambia de manera gradual, en el marco de la institucionalización de las “cuestiones indígenas” en la ONU y, de modo particular, tras la adopción de la Declaración de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas en 2007. Si las iniciativas de esos organismos especializados para satisfacer las expectativas del nuevo contexto reflejan aún los primeros estadios de una transformación institucional, éstas abren una ventana de oportunidad para que los pueblos indígenas tengan un rol en la construcción de su realidad y, por lo tanto, para que concreticen sus ambiciones políticas, a nivel nacional e internacional.

Le conflit somalien est probablement le seul conflit d’ordre interne qui a mis à rude épreuve le système de sécurité collective de la Charte des Nations Unies. Celui-ci éclate en 1991 à un moment clé de l’histoire politique des relations internationales. C’est la fin de la Guerre froide et pour l’Organisation universelle de l’ONU, longtemps paralysée par les vetos de deux Grands, c’est l’avènement d’une nouvelle ère pour la mise en oeuvre des principes énoncés dans la Charte des Nations Unies. Occupant le long de la façade maritime de la Corne d’Afrique, la Somalie de Siad Barré alignée sur l’idéologie soviétique ne survit pas à l’émiettement de ce bloc. S’ensuit un conflit civil, sanglant et fratricide presqu’à huit clos. Confrontée à la complexité du conflit somalien et à l’échec des premières tentatives de règlement pacifique, l’Organisation mondiale dégaine sa doctrine de maintien de la paix. Ainsi en l’espace de trois ans (1992-1995), le Conseil de sécurité autorise le déploiement de trois missions de l’ONU en Somalie : une opération classique de maintien de la paix (ONUSOM), une opération de maintien de la paix robuste (UNITAF) et une opération d’imposition de la paix (ONUSOM II). Toutes se soldent par un échec sans appel, obligeant les Casques bleus de l’ONU à opérer un repli sous protection armée alors que le conflit n’a toujours pas trouvé une quelconque issue. L’intérêt de cette étude est de mettre en lumière le paradigme de l’intervention des Nations Unies. Comment un simple conflit interétatique a-t-il pu mettre en échec les principes du droit international de la Charte des Nations Unies ? D’autant plus que les solutions proposées ont fait l’objet d’un traitement consensuel de la part de tous les membres du Conseil de sécurité qui ont entériné à l’unanimité les résolutions adoptées ? Il convient également de mettre l’accent sur l’engagement en dents de scie de l’Organisation des Nations Unies à compter de 1995. Un désengagement qui laisse le champ libre aux organismes régionaux de l’UA et de l’IGAD d’entreprendre des nouvelles tentatives de réconciliation nationale. L’explosion des actes de piraterie le long des côtes somaliennes donne l’occasion à l’ONU d’opérer un retour sur ce conflit aux relents lointains. Mais il s’agit d’un retour mesuré qui exclut derechef l’emploi de la coercition militaire. S’engageant désormais dans diverses activités de consolidation de la paix, l’ONU abandonne le terrain dangereux du maintien de la paix malgré le fait que le conflit somalien constitue toujours une menace pour la paix et la sécurité internationales. En vertu du principe de subsidiarité, l’AMISOM, l’opération de maintien de la paix de l’UA en Somalie présente depuis 2007 est la seule force habilitée à recourir à la force armée. Entre espoir et désillusions, la force de paix africaine, bien que sous-dimensionnée doit accomplir des missions de plus en plus élargies pour restaurer la paix et la sécurité dans le pays. / The Somali conflict is probably the only internal conflict that has subjected to a tremendous ordeal the collective security system of the United Nations Charter. It breaks out in 1991 at a key moment in the history of the international relations policy. However with the end of the Cold War, it is the beginning of a new era for the UN Universal Organization, long paralyzed by the vetoes of two Great for the effective purpose of the principles set out in the Charter of the United Nations. Occupying along the coastline of the Horn of Africa, Siad Barre's Somalia aligned with Soviet ideology does not survive the dissolution of this block. The result is the beginning of a civil, bloody and fratricidal conflict almost without any outside interference. Facing the complexity of Somalia conflict and the failure of the first attempts at a peaceful resolution, the World Organization engages its peacekeeping doctrine. Thus in the space of three years (1992-1995), the Security Council authorizes the deployment of three UN missions in Somalia: a classic peacekeeping operation (UNOSOM), a sturdy peacekeeping operation (UNITAF) and a peace enforcement operation (UNOSOM II). All of them result in an ineffective failure, forcing the UN peacekeepers to fall back under armed protection while the conflict has still not found a way out. The interest of this study is to highlight the paradigm of the intervention of the United Nations. How could a simple interstate conflict defeat the principles of international law of the United Nations Charter? Especially since the proposed solutions were the subject of consensual treatment by all the members of the Security Council who unanimously approved the resolutions adopted. There is also a need to focus on the United Nations' jagged commitment from 1995 onwards. A disengagement that give a free rein to the AU and IGAD regional organization to undertake new attempts at national reconciliation. The sudden increase of piracy along the Somali coast provides an opportunity for the United Nations to return to this distant conflict. But this is a measured return that once again excludes the use of military coercion. Now engaging in various peace building activities, the United Nations is abandoning the dangerous environment of peacekeeping despite the fact that the Somali conflict continues to pose a threat to international peace and security. In virtue of the principle of subsidiarity, AMISOM, the AU peacekeeping operation in Somalia since 2007 is the only force authorized to use armed force. Between hope and disillusionment, the African peacekeeping force, though undersized, must carry out more and more missions to restore peace and security in the country.

This dissertation analyzes how transnational feminist advocacy and ideas about gender shaped modern human rights doctrines that remain central to this day. After World War II, United Nations delegates drafted and adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). During this process, international feminist activists disagreed about how to incorporate women's long-standing rights claims into the emerging human rights framework. Fiery interwar debates about laws and standards that regulated female labor persisted, prompting influential U.S. feminists to oppose the inclusion of gender-specific rights. To challenge U.S. opposition, key delegates to the UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) forged an unofficial coalition. Despite the fact that these CSW delegates held competing ideas about gender and represented distinct national governments, they collectively crafted a significant but little-known women's human rights agenda and lobbied UDHR drafters to adopt it. Their proposals not only included political and civil rights, but also promoted particular economic and social rights for women as a group. They maintained, for instance, that child care and maternity leave should be obligations of the state. Indeed, the CSW insisted that recognition of their women's human rights agenda was essential to building a socially-just postwar order. While Anglo-American women dominated interwar NGOs, the CSW showcased myriad international voices and won critical allies among liberal and conservative UN delegations by linking the advance of women's human rights to notions of modernity and democracy. As a result, the CSW made substantial political and civil rights gains, such as the guarantee of equal rights in marriage and divorce. Yet feminist delegates had to juggle their internationally-minded agenda with the interests they were to serve as national representatives. This task was further complicated by nascent Cold War politics and a growing anti-feminist backlash at the UN. In this context, UDHR drafters ultimately rejected the CSW's call for women's economic and social rights--a "social revolution" for women--in favor of the perceived stability of the "traditional" family. By the early 1950s, anti-communist pressures led the CSW to sever the pursuit of women's rights from the developing human rights framework at the UN. Feminists' absence from the UN human rights debates over the next several decades removed a forceful challenge to U.S.-led efforts to privilege political and civil rights over economic and social rights, and fostered a tacit hierarchy of rights that persists to this day. This dissertation places the CSW's competing vision of universal human rights at the center of the postwar human rights project, and expands our understanding of the history of international women's activism and human rights. By analyzing official UN records, delegates' papers and memoirs, and the records of governmental and non-governmental organizations, it reveals that postwar human rights advocacy was critically shaped by women's activism of the interwar period. Furthermore, this dissertation demonstrates that the CSW's demands for women's rights shaped the context from which the universal human rights framework emerged. Indeed, feminist activism and debates about the rights of women influenced UDHR drafters' views about human rights in ways that expanded, but also significantly curtailed postwar human rights standards. As a result, feminist activists continue to fight today for full recognition of women's rights as human rights.

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It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.