Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar uma operação de manutenção da paz considerada bem sucedida, a Misión de Observadores de las Naciones Unidas em El Salvador (ONUSAL). A dissertação será dividida em dois artigos: o Artigo I da dissertação será apresentado como revisão bibliográfica da literatura sobre as Operações de Manutenção da Paz, desde sua criação, incluindo um exame de seus casos notórios; o Artigo II será apresentado como um estudo de caso sobre a atuação da ONUSAL em El Salvador durante a guerra civil. A hipótese que orienta este estudo é que, apesar dos notórios fracassos da década de 90, as PKOs constituem-se como instrumento relevante para a manutenção da paz e segurança internacionais, capaz de criar condições para auxiliar os Estados a reestabelecerem e manterem a paz após um conflito. Segundo nossa análise, a ONUSAL constitui-se como um caso bem sucedido de atuação das PKOs. / This study has the purpose of analyzing a Peacekeeping Operation regarded as successful, the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL). The dissertation consists of two articles: Article I will be submitted as a literature review of Peacekeeping Operations, since its inception, including an examination of its notorious cases; Article II will be submitted as a case study of ONUSAL\'s performance in El Salvador during the civil war. The hypothesis guiding this study is that, despite the notorious failures of the 90s, the PKOs are important instruments for the maintenance of international peace and security, capable of setting conditions to assist States in re-establishing and maintaining peace after a conflict. According to our analysis, ONUSAL represents a successful case regarding PKOs.

Thesis advisor: Hiroshi Nakazato / Ethnic conflicts that lead to civil wars or other forms of internal turmoil elicit myriad forms of military intervention from the global community. Sometimes the United Nations decides to deploy peacekeeping troops to a region or authorize individual states to use their military resources to quell a conflict. Usually, a state will unilaterally decide to launch an intervention before the United Nations makes a decision, a situation that generally occurs when the state has a direct interest in the conflict. Although many external factors play into these decisions regarding intervention, four internal factors have been identified as having a strong influence on these decisions: the failed state status of the region in conflict, the duration of the conflict, a request for external help, and whether a major world power is already involved. The United Nations is more likely to intervene in a critically failed state whose ethnic conflict has been enduring for years, where a state will send its military in unilaterally if the conflict is new (months old) and a request for military help is made from one of the parties already involved. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: International Studies Honors Program. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: International Studies.

This research explores developments within the United Nations that have led to the creation of the Forward Intervention Brigade (FIB). It will consider the political, legal, economic, and ethical issues surrounding armed defensive-intervention during humanitarian crises. Topics explored include the effectiveness of armed intervention during crises and ethics concerning the use of arms when intervening for humanitarian or peacemaking purposes. How success and failure is being defined and the current status of the mission will be discussed. The question of the possible costs of non-intervention is raised. This case example is linked to the failure of the UN to effectively respond to the genocide that occurred in Rwanda in 1994 and the subsequent cost of that failure. The development of powers within the UN is considered in terms of the creation of this armed force, as are the ways this may impact the interpretation of international law regarding armed intervention.

The situation in Bosnia and Hercegovina escalated in 1992 and resulted in a war which lasted until 1995, when the end of the war was marked by the signing of the Dayton agreement. The war consisted of conflict between the different groups within the country, with ethnic cleansing as one of the methods being used. In order to keep the peace in the region, the United Nations established the United Nations Protection Force in Yugoslavia. The UNPROFOR were at first meant to keep the peace within Croatia, but as the war broke out in 1992, parts of the force were repositioned to Bosnia. The purpose of this essay is to evaluate whether the UN and UNPROFOR managed to reach the goals set for the intervention in the town of Srebrenica, which was the first city in Bosnia to receive the status as a ”safe area”. In order to establish wheter the goals were met and the effects they had, the instrument of analysis consists of two evaluation models. The goal of the essay is to reach an understanding of the goals of the intervention and to provide with an analysis which can provide with an understanding for this, and perhaps also other interventions conducted by the UN.   In the final part of the essay, the presented material is discussed and analyzed in order to reach the purpose of the study. Concludingly the study finds that the goals for UNPROFOR in Srebrenica were not met.

Critics of the liberal peace point out that the imposition of liberal democratic structures of governance through United Nations Peacekeeping Operations has not led to a sustainable peace being built. In reply, supporters of the liberal peace argue that even though the liberal peace is imperfect, there are no better alternatives. The objective of this thesis is to examine the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and explore the possibility that it may be a potential alternative to the liberal peace. The thesis examines the Chinese understanding of the causes of insecurity in Africa, what the Chinese position is with regards to United Nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding missions in Africa; and what role China see itself playing vis-à-vis United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa. The Chinese approach to peacebuilding recognises poverty alleviation as the foundation upon which sustainable peace can be built in post-conflict countries. Beijing does not believe the external imposition of a political ruling superstructure can succeed, and sees the liberal peace as neo-colonialism and liberal hubris. However, there is no set Chinese model of peacebuilding which can replace the liberal peace, or which African countries might follow. This is because the Chinese developmental model respects the local context, is based on pragmatism, and relies on trial and error to find the way forward. The Chinese have been keeping a low profile in the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and have focused on providing transportation and logistical support to UNMIL. The Chinese focus on infrastructure rehabilitation is appreciated by Liberians and is making a positive contribution to the life of ordinary people. On the deep societal divide that lies at the heart of the Liberian civil war and continues to cause instability, both the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and the liberal peace remain silent.

Essa tese explora o efeito do comercio internacional sobre a proximidade dos países na Assembleia Geral da Organização das Nações Unidas. Utilizando a abordagem de variáveis instrumentais, para um banco de dados que vai de 1946 até 2012, mostramos que o aumento na interdependência comercial estaria associado à diminuição no alinhamento entre países na Assembleia Geral da Organização das Nações Unidas. Esses resultados são contra-intuitivos, pois a maior parte dos trabalhos em Economia Política Internacional demonstra que comércio está mais relacionado à cooperação que a conflito. O trabalho mostra que os resultados são robustos à diversas especificações e que eles tornam-se claros quando controlamos a possível causalidade reversa entre comércio e votações. Por fim, a discussão dos resultados enfatiza que os ganhos advindos do comércio fortalecem países na arena internacional. / This thesis explore the effect of trade interdependence over the countries alignments in the United Nations General Assembly. Using the instrumental variables approach, for a data set ranging from 1946 to 2012, we show that the more trade interdependence in time t the lower the countries alignment in t + 1. These results are counter intuitive, as most of the International Political Economy literature relates trade interdependence and cooperation positively. This work shows that this negative relation is robust to diverse specifications and becomes more consistent when the reverse causality is controlled. Finally, the discussion emphasizes that trade gains empower countries in the international arenas

A proposta de trabalhar o tema da accountability das Nações Unidas neste estudo tem origem no interesse em entender como a organização responde a atos cometidos, intencional ou não intencionalmente, que violam os direitos de quem, em princípio, a organização deveria proteger. Sobretudo acerca das operações de paz, expoentes da ideia de intervenção militar no âmbito multilateral, observa-se uma crescente preocupação com a proteção de indivíduos como formas de justificar essa ação, ou seja, esse tipo de ação é justificado pela necessidade de proteção da população de determinado Estado dada a incapacidade deste de provê-la, a despeito de seu objetivo fundamental de estabelecer a paz a partir de um conflito vigente. No entanto, a implementação das operações de paz se mostra uma tarefa complexa, tendo em vista a multiplicidade de atores envolvidos, a situação dual do sistema internacional, que transita entre o princípio da soberania e a valorização do indivíduo em situações de conflito, bem como à dependência da organização em relação aos meios de funcionamento desse tipo de atividade e ao seu caráter ad hoc. Sendo assim, essas características das missões de paz refletem as dificuldades de observar a accountability, o que resulta em um panorama de controle pouco efetivo sobre a realidade em campo. Ainda, mediante a ocorrência de ações ou inações que resultem nas violações de direitos reconhecidos pela comunidade internacional, os mecanismos oficiais de resposta institucional são pouco delineados e, em alguns casos, inexistentes. Dentro desse contexto, esse estudo se propõe a entender o conceito de accountability aplicável às Nações Unidas a partir da análise das ferramentas de responsabilização política e jurídica institucionais, tendo como enfoque o estudo do comportamento da missão de paz durante o conflito na Bósnia nos anos 90 e a consequente queda de Srebrenica, que resultou no massacre de mais de 8.000 bósnios sob os olhos das tropas holandesas que atuavam no local. A partir da metodologia de estudo de caso e análise documental, conclui-se que dentre os avanços do caso de Srebrenica no sentido da responsabilização estão o ineditismo da atribuição da responsabilidade penal ao Estado e o debate acerca da atribuição da responsabilidade a partir da conduta em campo na esfera penal, enquanto que os retrocessos dizem respeito, sobretudo, ao caráter ad hoc das missões de paz e à incompatibilidade entre Estado e indivíduo com a preponderância do papel do Estado na possível trajetória de responsabilização institucional do caso. / The proposal to work on the subject of United Nations accountability in this study stems from the interest in understanding how the organization responds to acts committed, whether intentionally or unintentionally, that violate the rights of those whom, in principle, the organization should protect. Above all, there is a growing concern about the protection of individuals as a way of justifying this action, that is, this type of action is justified by the need to protect the population of a particular State given the latter\'s inability to provide it, despite its fundamental objective of establishing peace from a conflict in force. However, the implementation of peace operations is a complex task, considering the multiplicity of actors involved, the dual situation of the international system, which transits between the principle of sovereignty and the valuation of the individual in situations of conflict, as well as to the dependence of the organization on the means of operation of this type of activity and its ad hoc character. Thus, these characteristics of peace missions reflect the difficulties of observing accountability, which results in a scenario of ineffective control over reality in the field. Moreover, through the occurrence of actions or inaction that result in violations of rights recognized by the international community, official mechanisms of institutional response are poorly delineated and in some cases non-existent. In this context, this study intends to understand the concept of accountability applicable to the United Nations from the analysis of the tools of institutional political and legal accountability, focusing on the study of the behavior of the peacekeeping operation during the conflict in Bosnia in the 1990s And the consequent fall of Srebrenica, which resulted in the massacre of more than 8,000 Bosnians under the eyes of Dutch troops operating there. Based on the methodology of case study and analysis of documents, it is concluded that among the advances in the Srebrenica case in the sense of accountability are the novelty of the attribution of criminal responsibility to the State and the debate about the attribution of responsibility from the conduct, as the retrocesses are related to the ad hoc nature of peace missions and the incompatibility between State and individual with the preponderance of the role of the State in the possible trajectory of institutional accountability of the case.

Article 12 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child recognised children’s human right to participate in decisions that affect them. Yet, twenty-five years after ratification, children’s participation remains frequently problematic in practice. This thesis examines the practice of NGOs that have been implementing children’s participation at the community level for more than ten years in two specific settings: Tamil Nadu (in south India) and Scotland (UK). The thesis is an explorative study; it examines the findings through two case studies (one in each country). Each case study involved observations/informal discussions and semi-structured interviews with children and staff members from the NGOs. Relevant documents were obtained and scrutinised. The analysis of the empirical data uses three concepts: competencies, child-adult relationships and influence to illuminate and analyse the implementation of children’s participation within the two case studies. Firstly, the empirical analysis highlights that children within children’s participation projects acquired knowledge and skills and then applied them in particular situations within the participation projects (personal and social competencies). Nevertheless, the two case studies showed that adults’ crucial role in legitimising children’s competencies can either facilitate or block children’s participation. Secondly, the child-staff/adults’ relationships were not enough to be considered as the hierarchy within the organisation’s social order was needed to be analysed to have ‘successful’ participation projects. Thirdly, Lundy (2007) provides a model for how adults can be more accountable to children and enhance children’s influence over decision-making in their communities, but some missing elements can undermine the extent to which children’s views are appropriately acted upon. Based on a modification of Lundy’s model, this thesis proposes a tripartite collaborative and intergenerational framework involving the relationships between children and adults in power facilitated by staff members. The thesis contributes to debates about children’s participation by arguing that implementing children’s participation requires a relational and contextual focus on collaboration and intergenerational dialogue. The thesis makes recommendations for practitioners and decision-makers on how to deploy Lundy’s modified perspective to implement children’s constructive participation at the local level.

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-05T15:47:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 João Fernando Finazzi.pdf: 1431017 bytes, checksum: da17f1be008b8781de00f75d2b7902a2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-05T15:47:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 João Fernando Finazzi.pdf: 1431017 bytes, checksum: da17f1be008b8781de00f75d2b7902a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In the post-Cold War world, the UN’s Peace operations has changed from a phase that envisaged the contention of parts in conflict to the promotion of structural reforms understood as necessary to undermine the recurrance of the hostilites and to help establish a certain level of stability and peace. In this new kind of peacebuilding operation, the reconstruction process is intended to form or transform the so-called security sector. The great powers and the most relevant internation organizations started to resort to the Security Sector Reform (SSR) as a framework of policies that envisage the transformation of the structures and actors that deal with the use of violence in these contexts. However, besides the growing importance of SSR as a key-theme in the processes of reconstruction, the national and international literatures are still rare, and generally present a marked normative nature. In the case of Haiti, the country is under constant UN’s interventions since 1994. The SSR came to be one of the most importante activites executed by the international actors. The aim of the present work is to demonstrate a changen in the ways that SSR came to be executed between the 90s and 2000s. If the actions had, initially, focused on the state institutions, with the intervention of Minustah they probe directlly to the population and the ways of beeing as a whole, specially to certain “target-groups” and by means that converge the counter-insurgence tactics and humanitarism. We intend to fill this gap between the rise of SSR as a discourse and practice of international actors and the lack of studies that go beyond their normative objectives / No contexto internacional do Pós-Guerra Fria, as operações de paz da ONU passaram de uma fase focada estritamente na contenção das partes em conflito de modo relativamente imparcial para a promoção de reformas estruturais tidas como necessárias tanto para minar a recorrência do conflito interno quanto possibilitar a transição para uma situação de paz e estabilidade. Nessas novas operações de peacebuilding, os processos de reconstrução do Estado agora lidam com questões cruciais que envolvem a formação ou transformação do chamado setor de segurança. As grandes potências e as principais organizações internacionais passaram a recorrer à Reforma do Setor de Segurança (RSS) como um conjunto de políticas que têm como objetivo readequar as estruturas e atores que lidam com o exercício da violência nesses contextos. No entanto, apesar da emergência da RSS como um tema-chave nos processos de reconstrução, a literatura nacional e internacional ainda é escassa, geralmente apresentando um caráter fortemente normativo. O Haiti vive sob constantes intervenções da ONU desde 1994, durante as quais a RSS se tornou uma das principais atividades exercidas pelos agentes interventores. O objetivo do presente trabalho é demonstrar uma alteração nos modos pelos quais a RSS veio a ser executada entre os esforços dos anos 90 e 2000. Se inicialmente as ações se focaram nas instituições do Estado, com a Minustah elas teriam se aprofundado em direção à população e às formas de vida como um todo, especificamente a determinados “grupos-alvo”, por meio de táticas que se indifirenciariam entre a contra-insurgência e o humanitarismo. Pretendemos, assim tentar preencher essa lacuna entre a emergência da RSS e a ausência de estudos que vão além dos seus objetivos normativos

Magister Commercii - Mcom (Political Studies) / While they have emerged as global ideals based on the recognition of liberty, dignity and universal rights to 'all individuals' within the global community, human rights have faced numerous criticism and scepticism from the Global South. This research paper argues that such scepticism has had negative impact on the drive for the protection and promotion of human rights and International Human Rights Law in global politics. Given such huge challenges, this research paper points out that, unless the global human rights discourse undergoes significant reform and shift, its Western-centric domination will result into more harm than good in the international community's agenda for human rights protection and promotion. Postcolonial Africa has been at the forefront of the debate on the power-political use of the notion. As such, it has been argued that human rights discourse has influenced relations and policies between the West and the Third World, especially Africa. In this relationship, human rights have been viewed as a strategic tool for powerful states in global politics, to use in their quest to legitimise the case for political change. Furthermore, human rights have also been employed by governments seeking to justify their interference in the domestic affairs of other states, especially the West in the case of postcolonial Africa. It has therefore emerged that the human rights rhetoric/ discourse has been understood by postcolonial Africa as serving to establish a powerful perspective relating to the present and past collective experiences of injustice, exclusion and domination within global politics. Here, the global human rights regimes and Africa seem to be at a crossroads regarding the role of human rights in international politics.