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The situation in Bosnia and Hercegovina escalated in 1992 and resulted in a war which lasted until 1995, when the end of the war was marked by the signing of the Dayton agreement. The war consisted of conflict between the different groups within the country, with ethnic cleansing as one of the methods being used. In order to keep the peace in the region, the United Nations established the United Nations Protection Force in Yugoslavia. The UNPROFOR were at first meant to keep the peace within Croatia, but as the war broke out in 1992, parts of the force were repositioned to Bosnia. The purpose of this essay is to evaluate whether the UN and UNPROFOR managed to reach the goals set for the intervention in the town of Srebrenica, which was the first city in Bosnia to receive the status as a ”safe area”. In order to establish wheter the goals were met and the effects they had, the instrument of analysis consists of two evaluation models. The goal of the essay is to reach an understanding of the goals of the intervention and to provide with an analysis which can provide with an understanding for this, and perhaps also other interventions conducted by the UN.   In the final part of the essay, the presented material is discussed and analyzed in order to reach the purpose of the study. Concludingly the study finds that the goals for UNPROFOR in Srebrenica were not met.

UNPROFOR, den FN-ledda fredsbevarande insatsen i forna Jugoslavien, kan i dag sessom ineffektiv och oändamålsenligt utformad, eller till och med misslyckad, på grundav byråkratiska problem och en ovilja att frångå klassiskt fredsbevarande, vilketförutsätter existerande fred att bevara. Den nordiska insatsstyrkan Nordbat 2, beståendefrämst av svenska förband, och framför allt dess första rotation BA 01, kan i dettasammanhang ses som en anomali. Dess förste chef, Ulf Henricsson, klargjorde genomdoktrinär tillämpning av uppdragsstyrning och kontroversiella tolkningar avinsatsreglerna för konfliktens parter, att Nordbat 2 inte skulle kunna dikteras regler påsamma vis som många andra delar av UNPROFOR. Genom en tolkning av Bourdieusfältteori gjord av Håkan Gunneriusson, ämnad för militära operationer, kartläggs idenna studie Nordbat 2:s ansvarsområde, Tuzlaområdet, under bataljonens förstarotations tid i Bosnien, för att kunna analysera den påverkan Henricsson och BA 01hade på fältet och dess regler. Genom kvalitativ analys av Henricssons memoar samtsärskilda bataljonsdokument och ICTY-protokoll finner denna studie att Henricsson, itillfredsställande enlighet med Gunneriussons checklista, lyckades identifiera fältetsregler, illusio, och i vissa fall lyckades få parterna att överge våldsamma medel medhjälp av morot och piska. När detta av olika skäl var en omöjlighet klargjordeHenricssons personliga inbladning och bataljonens subkultur, att Nordbat 2 måste taspå allvar, och bataljonen lyckades genom okonventionella och aggressiva metoderupptäcka massakern i Stupni Do. / The UNPROFOR mission in Bosnia is often seen as problem ridden, if not ill-fated,and the limited success the international mission did see, came mostly after thehandover to IFOR and NATO in 1995. The Nordic battalion Nordbat 2, primarilyconsisting of Swedish units, and particularly its first rotation BA 01, can be seen as ananomaly; this battalion was characterised by its application of mission command. It canreasonably be stated that its first commanding officer, Ulf Henricsson, madecontroversial interpretations of the Rules of Engagement, and frequently emphasised tothe parties to the conflict that Nordbat 2 would not be bureaucratically bullied like manyother UN-units. This study maps out the Area of Responsibility of Nordbat 2, Tuzla,through Bordieuan field theory, and uses an iteration of the same theory developed byHåkan Gunneriusson for use in international military missions to analyse the effects ofHenricsson’s actions, and those of BA 01 as a whole, in respect to the field and its rules.Through qualitative analysis of Henricssons memoir, certain battalion documents andICTY protocols, the study finds that Henricsson, in satisfactory accordance with thechecklist put forward by Gunneriusson, identified the rules, illusio, of the field andincentivised the parties to the conflict to, in certain cases, abandon violent methods formore benign ones through a carrot and stick approach. When this, for different reasons,was impossible, Henricsson’s direct involvement and the subculture of the battalionmade clear that Nordbat 2 was not to be taken lightly and managed to uncover themassacre in Stupni Do through aggressive and unconventional means.

Diploma thesis Side Effects of UN Peacekeeping Missions deals with negative sid e ef f e cts of UN peacekeeping operations. The work aims at showing the relation between certain factors and the emergence of the side eff ect s. To do so, four interpretative case studies are used in this thesis. The missions analysed in the case studies share some common characteristics (type of mandate, time period etc.) but differ in the essence of the si de e ff e cts that has been detected during their deployment. For the sid e eff e ct s of human trafficking the UN mission UNMIBH in Bosnia and Hercegovina was analysed, for sexual abuse it was the MONUC in DRC, for diamonds smuggling the UNAMSIL mission in Sierra Leone and for the collaboration with warlords the UNPROFOR in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The applied factors are divided between external (presence of the s id e ef f e cts, the stage of conflict and the efficiency of the central government) and internal (national composition of the mission, level of corruption among the TCC's and the existence of SOFA) and are considered within the context of each case study. This work proofs the relevance of this factors in regard to the emergence of the s id e eff ec ts of peacekeeping.

The thesis analyses endeavour of the international community to affect events in disintegrating Yugoslavia. It describes and judges individual activities of the UN, EU, USA and the rest of the world seeking a reconciliation among fighting sides. It also describes development of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the war and gives predictions of its possible future progress in the context of international supervision and assistance.

In this paper, a discussion and analysis on the Swedish participation  in the UN-mission in the Balkan conflict versus the reporting from the Swedish news press Dagens Nyheter (DN) of the same action is held. From a ground in survey questions to Swedish soldiers that took part in the conflict ,what they thought of the conflict and what got reported back to the Swedish civilians via the press and their differences is later held. A question in the survey also treats what the soldiers think got changed in the Swedish Armed Forces due to their actions in the conflict and what the soldiers thought of the view in the 1990s, national and international, on the Swedish Armed Forces. This survey and the articles  from DN that is analyzed is the ground in this papers issues, discussion and results. The paper overall and later the analysis is based on a theory in Oral history taken of Malin Thor's previous researches in the field and also strengthened with other researchers in the same field of studies.   The title to this paper is from the English press reporting about the Swedes taking charge of the UNPROFOR-mission in the Balkan conflict and is about the Colonel Ulf Henricsson, commander of the UN Nordic battalion (NordBat2) in central Bosnia and his firm hand and authority against the local warlords. Later the title went famous international and a lot of different newspapers used it as a headline when reporting about the Swedish soldiers acting aggressively and firmly towards the war-criminals when protecting civilians and their properties in Bosnia.

Le rôle de la communauté militaire internationale dans le cadre des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) s’est profondément transformé depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. En effet, elle intervient de plus en plus fréquemment dans des guerres civiles ou intra-étatiques, particulièrement lorsque les autorités en place ne sont plus en mesure d’assurer la sécurité de la population. Par ailleurs, le rôle des militaires ne se limite plus à la fonction traditionnelle de combattants. Ils doivent maintenant assumer des tâches qui visent beaucoup plus le développement de relations avec la population civile dont la coopération est un élément essentiel à la réussite de ce type d’intervention. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’analyser l’opinion de la population civile de la région de Bihać par rapport à l’intervention des militaires dans le cadre de l’OMP en Bosnie-Herzégovine. L’historique du conflit dans cette région, l’état des connaissances sur les sources d’insatisfaction de la population par rapport au déroulement des OMP en général, ainsi que des entrevues avec des informateurs-clés nous permettent d’identifier deux problématiques distinctes, soit : (1) l’écart important entre les attentes et les besoins de la population et le mandat confié par l’ONU; et (2) la dichotomie entre la formation de base des militaires et ce qui est attendu d’eux dans le cadre de ces interventions. / The role of the international military community in the peacekeeping operations (PKOs) has been transformed dramatically since the end of the Cold War. Indeed, the community is called to intervene more and more frequently in civil wars, especially when local authorities in the country are no longer able to guarantee citizens’ safety. Furthermore, the role of the military is no longer limited to traditional combat. It must now undertake tasks aimed at developing a relationship with the civilian population whose cooperation is essential for the success of this type of intervention. The goal of this thesis is to examine the opinions of the civilian population from the Bihać area with respect to the military intervention as part of the PKO in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The history of the conflict, the state of knowledge about the sources of dissatisfaction of the population during PKOs, and interviews with expert witnesses enable us to identify two distinct issues: (1) the large gap between the expectations and the needs of civilians and the mandate given by UN, and (2) the insufficient training of militaries as regards what is expected from them during these operations.

Le rôle de la communauté militaire internationale dans le cadre des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) s’est profondément transformé depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. En effet, elle intervient de plus en plus fréquemment dans des guerres civiles ou intra-étatiques, particulièrement lorsque les autorités en place ne sont plus en mesure d’assurer la sécurité de la population. Par ailleurs, le rôle des militaires ne se limite plus à la fonction traditionnelle de combattants. Ils doivent maintenant assumer des tâches qui visent beaucoup plus le développement de relations avec la population civile dont la coopération est un élément essentiel à la réussite de ce type d’intervention. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’analyser l’opinion de la population civile de la région de Bihać par rapport à l’intervention des militaires dans le cadre de l’OMP en Bosnie-Herzégovine. L’historique du conflit dans cette région, l’état des connaissances sur les sources d’insatisfaction de la population par rapport au déroulement des OMP en général, ainsi que des entrevues avec des informateurs-clés nous permettent d’identifier deux problématiques distinctes, soit : (1) l’écart important entre les attentes et les besoins de la population et le mandat confié par l’ONU; et (2) la dichotomie entre la formation de base des militaires et ce qui est attendu d’eux dans le cadre de ces interventions. / The role of the international military community in the peacekeeping operations (PKOs) has been transformed dramatically since the end of the Cold War. Indeed, the community is called to intervene more and more frequently in civil wars, especially when local authorities in the country are no longer able to guarantee citizens’ safety. Furthermore, the role of the military is no longer limited to traditional combat. It must now undertake tasks aimed at developing a relationship with the civilian population whose cooperation is essential for the success of this type of intervention. The goal of this thesis is to examine the opinions of the civilian population from the Bihać area with respect to the military intervention as part of the PKO in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The history of the conflict, the state of knowledge about the sources of dissatisfaction of the population during PKOs, and interviews with expert witnesses enable us to identify two distinct issues: (1) the large gap between the expectations and the needs of civilians and the mandate given by UN, and (2) the insufficient training of militaries as regards what is expected from them during these operations.