Depuis leur création en 1888, les Alpins constituent une subdivision d’arme à part au sein de l’armée de terre française. Territorialement très marquées, ces unités ont pour mission originelle et spécifique de défendre la frontière alpine. En 1962, après deux guerres mondiales et deux guerres de décolonisation, la France entre dans une nouvelle ère. Face à l’évolution de la menace, le pays opte pour la nucléarisation de son armée. Dans ce contexte de guerre froide, les troupes alpines ne sont plus que des « troupes du territoire ». Elles se marginalisent et peinent à trouver leur place aussi bien dans le nouveau dispositif de sécurité et de défense nationale qu’au sein des territoires alpins en pleine mutation. Pourtant, en 1983, à la surprise générale, la 27e Division Alpine s’intègre dans la Force d’Action Rapide et participe à sa première opération extérieure. Cette OPEX au Liban marque le début d’une renaissance pour les Alpins. Le déploiement des soldats de montagne en Yougoslavie au cours des années 1990 puis en Afghanistan au cours des années 2000 assoit la légitimité opérationnelle des Alpins. Au XXIe siècle, l’armée des Alpes désormais professionnelle, occupe une nouvelle place dans les territoires de montagne et joue un rôle nouveau auprès des sociétés alpines. En effet, le combat de légitimation, de reconnaissance et de rayonnement de la « spécificité montagne » des troupes alpines ne se gagne pas seulement sur les champs de batailles. La quête de traditions nouvelles pour refonder une identité militaire et montagnarde, l’organisation de diverses cérémonies dans l’espace public, la construction d’un patrimoine commun sont autant d’armes aux mains du commandement de la 27e Brigade d’Infanterie de Montagne pour continuer d’exister malgré la « réforme perpétuelle » de la Défense française. La 27e Brigade d'Infanterie de Montagne reste aujourd’hui dépositaire des traditions des Alpins d’autrefois. La 27e BIM reste la brigade d’urgence de montagne de l’armée de Terre. De par ses capacités opérationnelles reconnues, la « 27 » met en œuvre des savoir-faire spécifiques sur les théâtres les plus divers, à l’intérieur ou à l’extérieur du territoire national. / Since their creation in 1888, the Alpins form a separate subdivision within the French Army. The primary and specific mission of these territorially very marked units is to defend the Alpine border. In 1962, after two world wars and two decolonization wars, France enters a new era. In response to the threat, the nuclearization of the army is decided by the country. In this context of cold war, the Alpines units are merely territory troops. They become marginalized and hardly find a place as well in the new safety and national defence features as within the Alpins territories which are undergoing profoundchange. However, in 1983, to widespread surprise, the 27e Division Alpine joins the Force d’Action Rapide and takes part in its first external operation. This OPEX (EXternal OPeration) in Lebanon marks a beginning of rebirth for the Alpins. Their operational legitimacy was established by the deployment of mountain soldiers in Yugoslavia in the 1990s and then in Afghanistan in the 2000s. In the XXIth century, the henceforth professional army of the Alps occupies a novel place in the mountain territories and plays a new role to the Alpin societies. Indeed, the struggle for legitimation, appreciation and influence of the “mountain specificity” of the Alpin troops is not to be won on the battlefields only. The search for new traditions in an attempt to rebuild a mountain military identity,the organisation of various ceremonies in the public space, the reconstruction of a common heritage are all weapons in the hands of the 27e Brigade d’Infanterie de Montagne command for the purpose of continuing to exist in spite of the “perpetual reform” of the “Défense française”. The 27e Brigade d'Infanterie de Montagne remains guardian of the traditions of the former Alpins. The 27e BIM stays the emergency brigade of the French land army. Due to its acknowledged operational capabilities, it implements its specific expertise in various theatres, within the national territory or outside.

Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2007. / "5 April 2007." AD-A468 869. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. / Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 16, 2008). Cites June 2003 GAO report GAO-03-695, "Contractors provide vital services to deployed forces but are not adequately addressed in DoD plans." "June 2005." The original document contains color images. "ADA435597"--URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-96). Also issued in paper format.

Cette étude porte sur les recrues de l’armée française à Djibouti, de la Grande Guerre à la fin des années 60. Le faible nombre de recrues comparé aux autres parties de l’empire africain a occulté leur participation aux conflits mondiaux. Pourtant à la différence des autres colonies françaises, les engagements ont tous été volontaires, beaucoup des engagés ne sont pas originaires de la colonie. En apparence il s’agit donc de mercenaires engagés pour des opérations extérieures, renforçant ainsi les représentations guerrières des populations de la région, en particulier des Somali, les plus nombreux à s’être engagés. L’étude repose sur les archives françaises, notamment sur les livrets individuels de plus de 1300 tirailleurs représentant le quart des recrutements des années les plus significatives. Cette approche statistique, complétée par une enquête de terrain, permet d’aborder ces recrutements sous l’angle social, et révèle des motivations bien éloignées des clichés encore répandus tant en Occident qu’au sein des populations de la Corne. Cette double approche, quantitative et micro-historique, révèle les motivations de ces jeunes hommes engagés dans les rangs d’une armée coloniale, les migrations régionales, leurs stratégies individuelles, en relation avec le contexte socio-économique de la Corne, marqué par les crises alimentaires, l’insécurité politique et le déclin progressif du pastoralisme. Instrumentalisés par une puissance coloniale comme bien d’autres Africains au cours des différents conflits auxquels ils participèrent, ces intérimaires de la guerre ne perdirent jamais de vue leur intérêt qu’ils tentèrent de concilier avec la domination coloniale. Leur passage dans l’armée française, souvent de courte durée, fut à bien des égards une expérience de vie, une forme d’entrée en modernité. Ce travail tente de mesurer cette altérité, notamment au travers de trajectoires individuelles et familiales. S’ils furent des intermédiaires culturels, la puissance colonisatrice tenta vainement de les instrumentaliser dans le contexte de la décolonisation. L’armée fut dans ce cas productrice de nouvelles notabilités, et tenta de fidéliser le groupe des anciens combattants. Mais là encore, les individus ont adopté des postures bien plus complexes qu’il n’y parait, leur fidélité n’allant pas au-delà de leur intérêt personnel. L’instrumentalisation du métier des armes s’est donc poursuivie dans la sphère privée, mais aussi dans l’espace politique naissant après 1945. / This study is about the recruits of the French army in Djibouti, from the First World war until the sixties. Because of their scarce numbers, compared with those from other parts of the African empire, their part in world conflicts is less known. Though, contrary to what went on in other French colonies, the enlistments were all voluntary and many of the enlisted were not from Djibouti. So, they seem to have been mercenaries hired for operations abroad thus strengthening their image as warriors in the eyes of the people in the area, especially the Somali who enlisted the most. The study is based on the French archives, particularly on the personal records of over 1300 “tirailleurs” representing a quarter of the enlistments during the most significant years. This statistical approach, completed with field work, allows us to study these enlistments from a social point of view and reveals motivations quite different from the clichés still widely spread in the western world as well as among the population of the Horn. This double point of view, quantitative and micro-historical, reveals the motivations of these young men enlisted in a colonial army, regional migration movements, their individual strategies in relation with the socio-economical context in the Horn marked by food crisis, political insecurity and the decline of pastoralism. Being used as instruments by a colonial power like many other Africans during the several conflicts in which they took part, these temporary warriors never forgot their own interests which they attempted to conciliate with the colonial domination. Their often short stay with the French army was for many reasons an experience, a sort of step into modernity. This study attempts to measure this otherness particularly through individual and familial paths. Even though they were cultural go-betweens, the colonizing power tried to use them in the context of decolonization. In that case, the army produced new notabilities and attempt to win the loyalty of its ex-servicemen. But then, again, the different individuals adopted postures far more complex than they seem to be, their faithfulness never overstepping their personal interest. The profession of arms was thus used at a private level, but also in the new political world after 1945.

The diploma thesis deals with theme of collaboration Border Guard troops with the civilian sector its focusing on 60's and 70's era. The topic is an overview compiled since 1945, because of better context. Work aims to map and describe the process whereby the collaborating fifth brigade of border guards in the geographic region Cheb region with residents and how the civilians had been involved to guard state borders. The author based primarily on archival material stored in the Security Services Archive in Brno - Kanice and the previously published literature. The author also used interviews with former professional officers. These interviews compiled by the method of oral history. The main criteria were chosen on the number of assistant border guards, as well as young border guards and the number of persons who were attempting to cross the state border detained for using the civilian sector. But also, many other factors were considered. The result of this work is the finding that the border guard cooperation with the civilian sector shows an upward trend in the period from the fifties to the late seventies. The highlight of this cooperation was the second half of the seventies. In the sixties, and especially the second half of the sixties, the brigade was forced to intensify the use of civilians...

No description available.

This diploma thesis deals with relations between Soviet Union and Egypt in 1960's and 1970's, with focus on Soviet economic and military aid to this Arabian country. Soviet Union is perceived as a protector superpower, while Egypt is a client state, which receives generous financial and material aid. This work maps particular pe-riods of Soviet economic aid since early 1960's, when some great economic projects were gradually realized (Aswan Dam, Helwan metallurgic complex), the attention is also decicated to arms supplies and modernization of Egyptian army. The first break point influencing mutual relations is Egyptian defeat in Six-Day War in 1967, after which president Nasser was willing to deepen relations with Moscow and even to grant durable Soviet military presence on the Egyptian territory. The period after the inauguration of new president Anwar Sadat in 1970 can be characterized as gradual worsening of mutual relations. The aim of this thesis is to describe particular aspects of Soviet aid and evaluate it in scope of broader political and strategic interests of USSR.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis evaluates and explores the function of Private Military Companies (PMCs) on the African continent. The phenomenon of PMCs evolved after the end of the Cold War. This study focuses on the relevant international and national legislation regulating PMCs that conduct active military assistance operations. These PMC operations have a strategic impact on the political, social, economical and security environments of the areas in which they are contracted to operate. The purpose of the thesis is to assess whether PMCs are efficient and cost effective, can be held accountable and to whom, and if current legislation (national and international) regulating PMCs is sufficient. This thesis is a literature survey that seeks descriptive and comparative information relevant to the purpose of this study. It deals with that information qualitatively. No empirical research has been conducted. It is therefore not an opinion survey as no questionnaires have been completed, although interviews with knowledgeable people have been conducted. The thesis focuses on the operations conducted by the now defunct Executive Outcomes (of the Republic of South Africa), a combat type PMC in Angola and Sierra Leone and Military Professional Resources Incorporated (of the United States of America), a non-combat type PMC in Equatorial Guinea. The study concludes that PMC operations through legitimate government contracts at international level are indeed legitimate. The regulations (international and national, if they exist) regarding PMCs are not sufficient, and allow for many grey areas. PMCs that operate in this sphere of grey areas are unacceptable for the international community in the current milieu. PMCs are, however, operating in a vacuum of accountability and regulation (international and national). With sufficient legislation, PMCs could be the new peacemakers. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis evalueer en ondersoek die funksionering van Privaat Militêre Maatskappye (PMM’e) en hul werksaamhede in Afrika. Die PMM-verskynsel het voortgespruit uit die stilstand van die Koue Oorlog. Die tesis fokus op die relevante internasionale en nasionale wetgewing rakende PMM’e wat aktief in een of ander formaat by militêre operasies betrokke is. Hierdie PMM-operasies het ’n beduidende strategiese impak op die sosio-politiese, ekonomiese en sekuriteitareas van die gebiede waartoe hul gekontrakteer is. Die doel van die tesis is om die effektiwiteit en koste-effektiwiteit van PMM’e te evalueer, asook om uit te vind of hulle aanspreeklik is en aan wie hulle verantwoording moet doen. Daar is ook gefokus op huidige wetgewing (internasionaal sowel as nasionaal) rakende PMM’e om die doeltreffendheid van sodanige wetgewing te bepaal. Hierdie tesis is ‘n opname van beskrywende en vergelykende literatuurstudies, relevant tot die doel van die tesis. Inligting is kwalitatief aangewend. Geen empiriese navorsing is onderneem nie. Hierdie tesis is ook nie gebaseer op ‘n meningsopname nie. Geen vraelyste is ingevul nie, maar daar is wel onderhoude met kenners van die betrokke vakgebied gevoer. Die tesis fokus op die vroeëre werksaamhede van die ontbinde “Executive Outcomes” as Suid-Afrikaanse PMM wat aktief betrokke was by oorlogvoering in Angola en Sierra Leone en ook op die steeds aktiewe Amerikaanse PMM “Military Professional Resources Incorporated” wat in Ekwatoriaal Guinieë werksaam is en wat nie aktief by oorlogvoering betrokke raak nie. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat PMM-kontrakte wat bekom word deur legitieme regeringskontrakte op internasionale vlak wel legitiem is. Daar is bevind dat wetgewing (internasionaal en nasionaal, waar wel beskikbaar) rakende PMM’e egter nie voldoende en effektief is nie. Daar is steeds baie grys areas rakende verantwoordbaarheid en wetgewing van PMM’e. Dit is in hierdie grys areas waarin baie PMM’e funksioneer en waardeur hulle onaanvaarbaar vir die internasionale gemeenskap in die huidige klimaat is. Doeltreffende wetgewing kan moontlik verseker dat PMM’e die nuwe vredemakers kan word.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) have become increasingly important actors since the end of the Cold War. They provide a wide range of services and are therefore difficult to classify. Many view them as new front companies for mercenaries, which this thesis argues is not the case. Few states have put in place legislation to deal with the problems caused by these companies, and they are therefore generally not accountable to states. This is problematic because their services are within an area where states have traditionally had monopoly. This thesis studies the new South African legislation, the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities and Regulation of Certain Activities in Country of Armed Conflict Act of 2006, which was put in place in order to ban mercenaries and regulate the services offered by the private military and security companies based in the country. By comparing it to the older South African legislation, the thesis evaluates the extent to which the new legislation has been able to close loopholes inherent in the old legislation. The new South African legislation is also compared to the international conventions which bans mercenaries. By banning these actors, South Africa is very much in line with the international community when it designed the conventions. However, PNSCs are not mercenaries. The thesis then compares the new South African legislation to the domestic regulation in place in the United States of America. It finds that despite having many of the same weaknesses as the South African legislation, it is more likely that the American regulation will be abided by than the South African. This is due to the positive relationship between the US government and American PMSCs, and the fact that the government is a major client of the companies. South Africa does not enjoy the same positive relationship with its companies. Finally, the new South African legislation is compared to the UK Green Paper of 2002, which presented options of how to deal with the companies. The ban on mercenaries put in place by the new South African legislation was discouraged in the Green Paper. The licensing regime (as in the USA) that was proposed by the Green Paper, however, is similar to the authorisation scheme established in South Africa.

「兵役制度」為國民至軍隊服役制度，是保障國家安全之武裝力量，平時以法律規範，完成兵員補充、武裝組織、軍事訓練，使人民依法履行義務。「兵役制度」依國家安全環境考量，由戰略家與兵力規劃者權衡戰事，反覆檢視安全環境、戰略目標、可利用資源，從整體戰略來決定兵力結構，以合理有效訓練方式提升兵力水準，以支撐軍事戰略。 兩岸為創造有利之安全環境與挑戰內外競敵，不斷在軍事戰略思維實施調整。中共已賦予解放軍保障國家安全利益之任務與角色，並自1949年建政以來，持續運用針對性之軍事演習或武力展示威懾台灣，以達其政治目的，並於1985年大裁軍後，以量小質精、齊全、強大的軍兵種常規武裝力量，遂行立體作戰整備。台灣軍事戰略從「反攻大陸」－「攻守一體」－「防衛固守」－「防衛固守，有效嚇阻」－「有效嚇阻，防衛固守」，各階段戰略決策有所不同，依當時國防威脅逐年修正，台澎防衛作戰又將作戰區區分安全警戒區、主要戰鬥區、後方區域，以提高作戰層次與建軍備戰。台灣如何於獲得先進武器後，搭配組建優質兵力，以形成整體軍力優勢，為維護整體國防安全之碁石。為因應台海快速變化的戰爭型態，台灣之國防組織必須採「平戰一體」，才能因應未來戰事。然而，台灣目前國防設計則偏向平戰轉換，在國防體制上是「常後分立」，戰時才將後備動員轉換為戰力．台灣軍方較迷失動員人力「到召率」，認為到召率數提高，戰力便從而昇起，而因應台海戰爭發展迅速，如完全仰賴動員，戰事亦可能告敗結束。 / The “Conscription System” is a military service scheme ordinarily enforced by law，through which the citizens of a country are called up for obligatory military service.It is the basic formation of armed forces to safeguard the national security，so that supplement of military manpower，organization of armed services，arrangement of military training，and exertion of authority over the citizens for observance of the obligatory duties can be undertaken without hindrance .Based on the consideration of national circumstantial security，the blueprint of conscription system，including the size of military forces，strategic structure of armed forces，elevation of the standard of armaments to support the decided military strategy is entrusted to groups of military strategists and planners to formulate and decide after their repeated careful surveyals of the national security circumstances，strategic aims and national resources available.The opponents on opposite coasts of Taiwan Strait for creating environments，advantageous to their own potentials and challenging their hostiles，either extrinsic or intrinsic，unremittingly adjust and readjust their thoughts of military strategy to suit the alterations of situations.The Communist China has long since bestowed upon its “Liberation Army” the role and task of safeguarding national safety and benefits，and indeed since its accomplishment of civil administration in 1949，it persistently manipulates purposeful military maneuvers or military displays to threaten Taiwan to effectuate its political aims.On the side of Taiwan，the military strategy has been modified from “Restoration of Mainland” at the beginning to “Unification of Attack and Defensive Holdout” and then to “Defensive Holdout and Effective Deterrence” by the Department of Defense，year in，year out，based on the altering strategic situation at various stages.With respect to the Taiwan-Penghus Defense in case of war，the entire war theater is divided into safe surveillance zone，main or major combat zone and rear zone so as to elevate the orders of warfare and raise weapons for war. How to acquire modern weapons to incorporate the raising of a military force of high quality to create military supremacy，is the solution or cornerstone of safeguarding the overall safety of defense.To be able to cope with the war in the Taiwan strait，which， in general assumption，could change rapidly in pattern，the coustitution of national defense must be based on a conception of ‘war and peace alike” .Nevertheless，at present，the design of national defense inclines to be based on a theory of ‘peace and war switchover” .In the structure of defense，regulars and reservists are independent and individualized without intimate and close linkage，and in case of war，the reservists are then called up to form combatant units.The higher military echelons，owing to being bewildered by high summon or attending rate of the called－up reservists，are of the opinion that if the summon rate is raised，the combative strength is also elevated.Since the fashion of war of the Taiwan Strait could be swift，should meeting the enemy solely rely on mobilization of reservists，the war might end in defeat.