Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis makes a cost benefit analysis of relocating the outdated and earthquake damaged supply distribution center of the Turkish Navy. Given the dynamic environment surrounding the military operations, logistic sustainability requirements, rapid information technology developments, and budget-constrained Turkish DoD acquisition environment, the site selection of a supply distribution center is critical to the future operations and logistics supporting the Turkish Navy. Additionally, this thesis analyzes site selection alternatives through the use of three modeling techniques; the Center of Gravity Method, the Electre Method, and the Logical Decisions for Windows methodology. The results of the analysis indicate that the most advantageous location for the naval supply center is in the port city of Pendik. / Lieutenant Junior Grade, Turkish Navy

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LD2668 .T4 1949 W49 / Master of Science

Thesis advisor: Ina V. S. Mullis / Turkey is expected to be a full member of the European Union (EU) by 2013. In the course of its integration into the EU, Turkey has been simultaneously facing access, quality, and equity issues in education. Over the past decade, substantial progress has been made on increasing the access. However, improving the country's low level of education quality and achieving equity in quality education across the regions continue to be a monumental challenge in Turkey. Most recently, results from the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) 2007 indicated that Turkey's educational achievement at the eighth grade, the end of compulsory primary education in Turkey, was far below that of other countries in the EU. Considering Turkey's long standing socioeconomic disparities between the western and eastern parts of the country, the challenges of improving overall education quality are coupled with the challenges of achieving equity in learning outcomes for students across the regions. This dissertation used data from TIMSS 2007 to document the extent of Turkey's regional differences in science achievement at the eighth grade and to investigate factors associated with these differences. Findings from a series of analyses using hierarchical linear models suggested that attempts to increase Turkish students' achievement and close the achievement gaps between regions should target the students in the undeveloped regions, particularly in Southeastern Anatolia and Eastern Anatolia. Designing interventions to improve competency in Turkish and to compensate for the shortcomings of insufficient parental education, limited home educational resources, poor school climate for academic achievement, and inadequate instructional equipment and facilities might be expected to close the regional achievement gaps as well as raise the overall achievement level in Turkey. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Research, Measurement, and Evaluation.

Considerando a crescente importância econômica da exportação de carne de peru e os desafios sanitários que surgem com o aumento da produção desta espécie, o presente projeto propõe a detecção dos agentes bacterianos em perus apresentando quadro de aerossaculite, através da reação em cadeia pela polimerase (PCR). Um total de 201 suabes de sacos aéreos foram coletados a partir das carcaças de perus em um abatedouro comercial localizado no Centro Oeste do Brasil. Os suabes foram submetidos a PCR para detecção de Bordetela avium, Pasteurela multocida, Ornithobacterium rhinotracheale, Mycolplasma. gallisepticum, M. iowae, M. meleagridis e M. synoviae. B. avium foi detectada através da PCR em 58 animais, representando 28,8% dos suabes analisados. Os 201 suabes foram negativos para detecção de todos os outros agentes pesquisados. B. avium está presente nas criações de peru do país, e pode ter importante impacto sobre as doenças respiratórias desta espécie em condições intensivas de produção. / Considering the increasing economic importance of exports of turkey meat and sanitary challenges that come with increased production of this species, this project proposes the detection of bacterial agents involved in airsacculitis of turkeys, through polymerase chain reaction (PCR). A total of 201 air sacs swabs were collected from turkey carcasses at a commercial slaughterhouse located in the Midwest of Brazil. These swabs were submitted to PCR for detection of Bordetela avium, Pasteurela multocida, Ornithobacterium rhinotracheale, Mycolplasma. gallisepticum, M. iowae, M. meleagridis e M. synoviae. B. avium was detected in 58 animals, representing 28.8% of the swabs analyzed. All 201 swabs were negative to detection of other six agents tested. B. avium is disseminated in Brazilians turkey herds and may have important impact in respiratory diseases in this specie under intensive production systems.

Cette étude se concentre sur la construction de musées en Turquie sous le parti de la Justice et Développement (AKP). Celle-ci se développe à partir d'un ensemble d'études existantes qui prouvent un changement dans la politique culturelle du AKP qui, guidé par la devise Yeni Türkiye (Nouvelle Turquie) vise à créer une différence entre un avant et un après AKP. La nouvelle Turquie s'appuie sur une nouvelle idéologie nationale : le Nationalisme Musulman Turc (White 2009), qui met l'accent sur l'héritage ottoman, turc et islamique de la Turquie plutôt que sur d'autres patrimoines culturels également importants tels que le grec, le romain, le byzantin et le plus récent passé de la Turquie républicaine tourné vers l'ouest. En fonctionnant comme des vitrines qui représentent l'idéologie nationale du parti au pouvoir, les nouveaux musées parrainés par l'État reflètent le rêve de l'AKP: une nouvelle Turquie, technologique, capitaliste tout en restant nationaliste et islamiste. J'ai ainsi examiné trois de ces nouveaux musées et j'ai étudié les liens entre l'État, qui sous la direction de l'AKP favorise cette idéologie nationale, et les musées qui exposent un récit national musulman turc. En développant un cadre théorique sociologique-politique original basé sur la Théorie des champs de Pierre Bourdieu, je cadre les musées dans des champs dominés par les relations de pouvoir. Je soutiens que le champ du musée est inextricablement lié à d'autres champs tels que le champ de la production culturelle, de l'économie, de l'éducation ainsi que le champ politique. De plus, comme dans tous les autres champs, le champ du musée existe dans le champ national. Je dirais que les musées et les personnes travaillant dans / pour les musées font parties intégrantes des États-nations qui les gouvernent à travers les pouvoirs législatif, judiciaire et exécutif. Ils les financent, réglementent leurs fonctions et appliquent ces règlements. En s'appuyant sur la littérature récente et moins récente, sur le musée (Crooke 2016 et 2007; Newmann et Mclean 2006; Macdonald 2003; Fyfe 2011), j'ai tenté de fournir d'autres preuves que l'analyse du nationalisme (l'idéologie qui caractérise notre monde des États-nations) au sein du musée, révèle des aspects clés du musée. Les musées et les États qui embrassent le nationalisme semblent être strictement liés, de sorte que tous les musées sont soumis au symbolisme national, et des changements dans un champ, comme celui du politique par exemple, peut se répercuter sur le domaine du musée. Le nationalisme sous sa forme variée, incarné par les agents sociaux, objectivé dans les objets du musée ayant une signification nationale, ou institutionnalisé dans les bâtiments de musées à symboles nationaux, semblait être la puissance qui absorbe entièrement le musée. Sur la base de mes données, je proposerai une conclusion hétérodoxe selon laquelle tous les musées sont des musées nationaux. Je ne veux pas insinuer que tous les musées racontent et enseignent l'histoire nationale, mais que tous les musées fonctionnent comme des symboles de l'État-nation et certains créent même des symboles nationaux sous la forme de récits nationaux, de mythes, de héros, de discours des grands hommes, de drapeaux et de l'histoire nationale. En se concentrant sur les musées récemment construits en Turquie, j'expliquerai les récits nationaux au sein des musées en termes de ressources et d'approvisionnement, où le musée fonctionne comme une ressource et une multitude de discours nationaux toujours positifs, d'identité nationale et d'histoire nationale fabriqués par la classe dirigeante turque (ou "champ de pouvoir" selon Bourdieu) pour les Turcs. Par conséquent, le musée est considéré ici comme un engrenage d'un système d'identité, alors que le nationalisme, en particulier le Nationalisme Musulman Turc, est l'idéologie (ou logique doxique comme Bourdieu l'appelle) derrière cela. / This study focuses on recently build museums in Turkey under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). It develops from a body of existing studies providing evidence about a change in cultural policy carried out by the AKP that, guided by the motto Yeni Türkiye (New Turkey) aims to set a divide between pre-AKP and post-AKP era. The Yeni Türkiye builds on a new national ideology, Turkish Muslim nationalism, which emphasizes the Ottoman, Turkish, and Islamic heritage of Turkey rather than other likewise important heritages, such as the Greek, Roman, Byzantine, and the more recent, Western-oriented past of the Republic. By functioning as performative cabinets exhibiting the national ideology of the ruling party, new state-sponsored museums mirror the AKP’s dream of a new Turkey: technological, capitalist, and yet nationalist and Islamist. I looked into three of these new museums and investigated the links between the state which ruled by the AKP advertises this national ideology and museums exhibiting Turkish Muslim national narrative. By developing an original sociological-political theoretical framework based on Bourdieu’s theory of field, I frame museums in fields of changing power relations. I argue that the museum field is inextricably linked to other fields such as the field of cultural production, the field of economy, the field of education, and the political field. In addition, as with any other field, the museum field also exists within the broader national field. I will argue that museums, and people working in/for museums, exist as integrated into nation-states through the legislative, judicial, and executive powers that rule them, fund them, regulate their functions and enforce said regulations. By drawing upon the works of museum studies scholars (Crooke 2016 and 2007; Newmann and Mclean 2006; Macdonald 2003; Fyfe 2011), I attempted to provide further evidence that the analysis of nationalism (as the ideology that characterizes our world of nation-states) within the museum reveals key aspects of the museum’s significance. Museums and states embracing nationalism seem to be strictly connected, so much so that all museums are subject to national symbolism, and changes in one field, e.g. in the political field, carry potential changes in the museum field. . Nationalism in its variety of forms, embodied in state (and non-state) social agents, objectified in museum artefacts which were given national significance, or institutionalized in museum buildings with national symbols, was the force which absorbed the museum. On the basis of my data, I will suggest the rather heterodox conclusion that all museums are national museums. Not in the sense that all museums display national history but in the sense that, as I will point out, all museums function as symbols of the nation-state and some even create national symbols in the form of national narratives, myths, heroes, discourses of the big men, flags and national history. By focusing on recently built museums in Turkey, I will explain national narratives within museums in terms of resources and supply, where the museum functions as a resource and host of ever-positive national discourses, national identity, and national history manufactured by and within the Turkish ruling class (or field of power in Bourdieu’s terminology) to be supplied to the masses. Hence, the museum is seen here as a gear of a system of identity-making, whereas nationalism, particularly Turkish Muslim nationalism is the ideology (or doxic logic as Bourdieu called it) behind it.

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This thesis examines how the relationship between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities has been shaped by the way the media and related structures mediate their communication. This is a multi-method study based on data gathered from interview, print, broadcast and online material offering a new synthesis and analysis of the mediation of a century of turbulent bicommunal relations. The thesis begins by developing a theoretical framework to address these questions of mediation and offers a critical review of the historiography of bicommunal relations on the island. Three core empirical chapters follow. The first aims to understand the role of faceto- face communication in bicommunal relations based on interviews with both Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The second focuses on the representation of the Turkish-Cypriot community in the Greek-Cypriot print and broadcast media based on textual and discourse analyses of both extraordinary events and mundane coverage. This empirical study identifies the shifts of the hegemonic discourses in the Greek-Cypriot public sphere and the media rituals that are/were enacted in order for the discourses to be legitimised. Finally, the third chapter analyses samples of online bicommunal communication before and after the easing of ‘border' restrictions in 2003. It highlights the ways the new media can be used to move beyond those media rituals that confirm certain myths and to reenhance the normalisation of bicommunal coexistence. Overall, the thesis's findings suggest that the Greek-Cypriot print and broadcast media's symbolic power increased in certain historical periods of conflict and that through this power they territorialised people's reality and the process of assigning meanings to the other. It should be noted though, that this territorialisation is not homogenous, it is rather a product of conflict among local discourses. Finally, putting together the findings deriving from all three empirical studies leads to the suggestion that new media tools help/ed overcome a territorialisation process and in a sense recapture the dynamics of oral everydayness of the common past of the two Cypriot communities.

From the outset global cities have been primarily seen as outcomes of changes in global economic capitalism. This has led to critical responses arguing for the need to consider more centrally the role of politics in global city formation, and in particular the need to critically analyse city-state relations in varying geographical contexts. Three dominant strands of critique have emerged: a literature on state rescaling (primarily based on experiences of North American and Western European cities), a literature on developmental states (on East Asian cities) and a literature on postcolonial urban theory (primarily on cities in the Global South). Although these approaches all argue for a re-focusing on the role of the political in global city formation, they do not easily fit other geographical and geopolitical contexts. This thesis aims to contribute to the debate by focusing on the case of Istanbul as Turkey s emerging global city. Based on semi-structured interviews, this research challenges some key assumptions of global cities research, state rescaling approach, developmental approach and postcolonial urban theory through the case of Istanbul. It also provides a critical conceptual understanding of Istanbul s globalisation, argues the role of actors in global city making and will demonstrate that contrary to what is generally claimed in the literature, the relationship between Istanbul (city) and Turkey (state) could be assessed as more harmonious rather than tension-filled. Furthermore, the research goes beyond revealing the points where Istanbul conforms or does not conform to the existing approaches, and addresses the very recent academic debates between those who believe that we need new theories to understand the dynamics and impacts of the actual global urbanisation and those who suggest that instead of calling for new theories there is a need to examine and improve the existing approaches. To do that, my research develops an alternative conceptualisation -- the in-between city - that might cover the cities located in the region spreading from Eastern Europe to Central Asia. The argument behind this concept is that owing to their intersectional positions between East and West, and the continual links between their imperial and global periods, cities such as Istanbul, Vienna, Budapest, St. Petersburg or Moscow, present more hybrid characteristics in comparison to the cities categorised by the existing approaches.