China obtains the best security environment ever as the Cold War ended. Its economy continues to grow. China¡¦s rise becomes a reality. Along with China's enhancement on economy and military strengths, Beijing shows more confidence in dealing with international affairs. Zhongnanhai leaders keep stressing that China will strive for an international environment in favor of peace and development, and expressing to the U.S. that China is willing to be cooperative on regional and international issues, which wins praise from President Bush. China and the U.S. both carry on some strategic adjustment. Moreover, President Bush becomes the first U.S. president who visited China three times in its two tenures in office. President Bush and Hu Jintao have gradually established personal friendship. Chinese leaders have long regarded the pursuing of country¡¦s unification as the most important and prior political goal. In China's leadership, both reformists and hardliners take ¡§Taiwan issue" as sovereignty matter, the core interest of China¡¦s national security. Jiang Zemin used to emphasize that ¡§Taiwan issue is the most sensitive and most crucial issue in Sino-U.S. relations.¡¨ Every time when Hu Jintao met with President Bush, Hu applauded the U.S.¡¦s commitments on ¡§One-China¡¨ policy, three Joint Communiques, and ¡§opposition¡¨ of Taiwan independence. Bush administration¡¦s policies toward Taiwan Strait security have also shifted from strategic ambiguity to strategic clarity gradually. China-U.S. relationship has been promoted to its best status in second half of 2003 due to the intensification of international anti-terrorism cooperation and Beijing¡¦s role in hosting Six Party Talks. The atmosphere of Taiwan-U.S. relationship, however, has been not so good since President Chen Shui-bian¡¦s second term because Taiwan repeatedly pushes Washington D.C.¡¦s bottom lines. Bush administration made several friendly decisions toward Taiwan in its early stage after resuming powers, including providing better treatments for Taiwan senior leaders when they visited or transited the U.S. But when President Bush said he would do ¡§whatever it takes to defend Taiwan¡¨ in early 2001, the White House and U.S. State Department quickly repeated that the U.S. policies remain unchanged. It shows that the risks for military conflict in Taiwan Strait are high and that the U.S. does not want Taiwan to have too much expectation. Washington, D.C. would avoid getting into military conflicts in Taiwan Strait for its own interests. In addition, Bush administration continues to aware Taiwan that the U.S. and Taiwan could cooperate in some security affairs, but the U.S., out of its strategy consideration and moral responsibility, would be the sole country which could assist democratic Taiwan. This dissertation would mainly explore China¡¦s rise, and in this presupposition, the Bush Administration¡¦s Policies on Cross-Strait Relations. The dissertation comprises 7 chapters. Besides introduction and conclusion in the first and the seventh chapter respectively, the second chapter would study China¡¦s rise and its challenges to the U.S. and the U.S.¡¦s security strategies in Asia-Pacific region, while the third chapter discussing Bush administration¡¦s policies toward China, the fourth chapter analyzing China¡¦s policies toward Bush administration, the fifth chapter looking into the U.S. factors in China¡¦s policies toward Taiwan, and the sixth chapter reviewing cross-strait relations during Bush administration. To sum up, Bush administration emphasizes stability across the Taiwan Strait. Neither side of the Taiwan Strait can take unilateral actions to change the status quo, which is defined by the U.S., and the solution of cross-strait issues must be through peaceful ways. To respond of China¡¦s rise, the U.S. continues to underline its relationship with allies in Asia-Pacific. At the same time, Bush administration makes more concrete steps in strengthening U.S.-Taiwan military cooperation, while U.S.-China military exchanges in progress but with limitation.

In this study, we apply "the equilibrium price" to investigate the efficiency and the elasticity of Taiwan securities trading market. The "the equilibrium price" of each transaction are used to represent the true price of the security. The intra-daily tick-by-tick data of the Taiwan security market is used to obtain the equilibrium prices. Empirical transaction of the two companies Uni-President Enterprises Corporation and Formosa Plastics Corporation are studied. Time-series models of the equilibrium price and the transaction price are established. The time lengths returning to the equilibrium status are also studied, called the efficiency time. Based on the results, we discuss the efficiency of the two stocks. In order to understand the impact of the efficiency time, linear regression models of the efficiency time are built. Furthermore, the variance ratios of the two stocks are also investigated to study their market efficiency. Finally, the elasticity of demand and the elasticity of supply are studied and their Markov chain models are established. The results show that the two companies stay more time in the inelastic states.

The preliminary scope of work of this thesis, following the neo-classical realisms methodology of analyzing, we intend to find out Taiwans foreign policy trajectory. We want to know under what circumstances and domestic situation, Taiwan chooses to follow what foreign policies. Through the analysis of objective power (which includes economy, technology, military, and International relations), and with internal political situation (which is mainly focused on elites perceptionsof the country) , we hope to find out the patterns of the foreign policy and possibly contribute to future foreign policy insight. The thesis found out that due to Taiwans constitutional type which is a semi-presidential system, Taiwans foreign policies are heavily aligned with the leaders perceptions and interpretations under the unified government. The leaders view, on the other hand, is still heavily influenced by their traditional party's stands and the goals for both two parties in recent years after democratization are always seeking more visibility in international relations and reduce the threats. The different methods and approaches applied by the leaders resulted in completely different outcomes of the objective power of Taiwan and also the changes in the opinions of citizens over the years. The results could help us...

Taiwan Security Market is a typical order-driven market, and the business transactions are matched through the electronic trading system since 1988. In this work, we study the joint distributions of tick size changes of bid price and ask price, bid volume, and ask volume¡@for each matching order in Taiwan Stock Exchange (TSEC). Exponentially weighted moving average (EWMA) method is adopted to update the joint distribution of the incoming order variables aforementioned. Here we propose five methods to determine the update timing and consider three different initial matrices of the joint distributions. In empirical study, the daily matching data of two enterprises Uni-president Enterprises Corporation and Formosa Plastics Corporation in April, 2005 are considered. The goodness of fit for the joint distributions are determined by Chi-square Goodness of Fit Test. The results show that EWMA method provide good fit for most of the daily transaction data.

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CHINA IN GLOBAL AND REGIONAL POLITICS IN THE 21ST CENTURY - GEOPOLITICAL CLASH WITH JAPAN, INDIA, USA, RUSSIA AND EUROPE Mgr. Martin Petrtýl Supervisor: Doc. Dr. Bořivoj Hnízdo, PhD. Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences This dissertation discusses the current and future role of China in the 21st century. I worked with the idea to prepare a systematically detailed analytical study of the country in relation to its surroundings as well as its internal environment for more than 8 years, including many interruptions. I, above all, contemplated about the way how to truly scientifically, i.e. credibly, it means in the maximum possible the limits of verifiability, develop a full work that could hold up to the colleagues from the scientific community and myself. It is logical it was and is my attempt to allow minimal possibility of any criticism of this work for its formal, content, or other deficiencies. First, I decided to analyse in some detail the currently known theoretical approaches and methods of study, not only in political sciences, especially those used by political geographers, but also in other related fields, especially in the field of study of international relations, sociology, political science or general security studies. I did not want to study the issue is the...