This study seeks to analyze the differences in the U.S. and China's policies towards freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. The South China Sea is one of the most important waterways in the world, linking the Middle East and Southeast Asia to the Pacific Ocean. It is of crucial interest to the United States for transit of energy and other resources as well as power projection via the American naval fleet. These waters are of interest to China as well, but for different reasons: the PRC claims an historic right to the area as a part of its territorial waters. The analysis uses declassified American Presidential correspondence and policy memoranda, U. S. Department of State publications, and the Congressional Record, among other first-degree sources, to discuss American policy; Chinese policy is explored through domestic law, official statements, government maps, and official news sources. After examining the relevant international law framework, history of the issues, and the work of other academics on the subject, this paper presents each side's individual policy towards freedom of navigation, the South China Sea, and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. Finally, the two policies are contrasted and recommendations are made for how conflict might be minimized. / This study seeks to analyze the differences in the U.S. and China's policies towards freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. The South China Sea is one of the most important waterways in the world, linking the Middle East and Southeast Asia to the Pacific Ocean. It is of crucial interest to the United States for transit of energy and other resources as well as power projection via the American naval fleet. These waters are of interest to China as well, but for different reasons: the PRC claims an historic right to the area as a part of its territorial waters. The analysis uses declassified American Presidential correspondence and policy memoranda, U. S. Department of State publications, and the Congressional Record, among other first-degree sources, to discuss American policy; Chinese policy is explored through domestic law, official statements, government maps, and official news sources. After examining the relevant international law framework, history of the issues, and the work of other academics on the subject, this paper presents each side's individual policy towards freedom of navigation, the South China Sea, and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. Finally, the two policies are contrasted and recommendations are made for how conflict might be minimized.

The RMB exchange rate started to be a widely international issue discussed with Sino-U.S. relations of Economic since 2002.The main Objective of this study is finding the causes of undervaluing and pressures of facing. However, China¡¦s Financial Security is closely related to the process participating in the international system of finance, so this article is concentrated in the scope of correlate research of RMB exchange rate, and analyzed to find what pressures China facing and what policies China choosing. The causes which nominal exchange rate was biased against the real exchange rate are discriminated between labor factor and interest factor, with observing the change of balance of payment and foreign exchange reserves, so the foreign market unequilibrium can be explained further by analyzing the flow and capital. Finally, the strategic consider of U.S. is also the one of factors that influences RMB exchange rate despite of the economic risks in China. perspectives of international politics in Pressuring RMB exchange rate or opening markets are considered on the coordination of interest groups¡Bcongress and government of United States. The conclusion revealed the main reason that China is now facing major secure threats, there are looseness in capital controls, and rigidity in foreign exchange regimes. This threats result in failing to diversify its investment risk of foreign exchange and causing its monetary policy much pressure. The other hand, The purposes of putting pressure on RMB exchange rate by U.S. reflected that they not only transferred the responsibility of unemployment and deficit but also showed the need of domestic politics and the consideration of international politics, so the strength of pressure was not the same in the time series. Therefore, the study argues that the dispute of Sino-U.S. exchange rate was not only the outcome of interaction between two countries¡¦ trade but also this regime of China and purpose of U.S. should be discussed and observed continually.

Scholars have extensively detailed China’s conflation of the Uyghur issue in Xinjiang with the international war on terror following September 11, 2001. Less studied is how the U.S. responded to China’s framing of the Uyghur as terrorists, and of the Chinese government’s characterization of Xinjiang as a region fraught with violence and extremism. On the whole, scholars who have addressed this latter issue conclude that China successfully coopted the U.S., and consequently cracked down on Xinjiang without substantial international outrage. On the basis of a review of official U.S. documents before and after 9/11, I argue that the U.S. response to China’s framing of the Uyghur is not as clear-cut, and that multiple and conflicting U.S. responses emerged to the Uyghur-terrorist discourse. Specifically, the U.S. shifted from purely framing the Uyghur as victims of human rights abuses to projecting three new frames onto the Uyghur: victims of the war on terror; a minority group that may resort to violent methods of protest; and suspected terrorists. This new interpretation holds important ramifications for how scholars should understand China’s treatment of the Uyghur, as well as for Sino-U.S. relations.

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國際經濟制度權力分配所形成的結構，是展現權力或實現利益的一種形式。二次世界大戰結束後，美國透過主導創設國際貨幣基金（IMF）、世界銀行（WB）構成國際經濟制度，確保在全球經濟治理的優勢地位。中國改革開放以來，隨著經濟快速發展與綜合國力大幅提升，日益展現出革新與完善現有國際經濟制度的強烈企圖心，尤其亞洲基礎設施投資銀行（Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank, AIIB, 簡稱亞投行）從提出倡議到正式成立僅歷時兩年，並獲得亞太區域內、外之主要國家支持，反映出中國具備主導建構區域性或全球性多邊金融機構的政經實力。本論文將從結構現實主義的權力、利益、霸權等視角，探討美國在二戰後主導創設國際經濟制度之戰略目的、中國深化參與現行國際經濟制度之戰略意圖、美中兩國在國際經濟制度權力消長情形，以及中國創建亞投行對於美中關係未來發展的可能影響與戰略意涵，從中推論在美國掌控總體主導優勢的國際經濟制度下，中國試圖運用亞投行在國際經濟制度的權力結構組建平行架構，爭取與其政經實力相符的國際地位和影響力等相對利益，藉以形塑安全環境、擴大國際事務話語權和提升其大國地位，並在國際經濟制度結構下，與美國保持競合兼具的權力平衡的均勢格局，進而實現「兩個百年」的戰略發展目標。 / The distribution of power formed in the international economic institutional structure may reflect influence of power and fulfillment of the national interests. After World War II, the United States has secured its dominant position of global economic governance by establishing the international economic institution consisting of International Monetary Fund and World Bank. In contrast, since the implementation of “Reform and Opening-up” policy, China has been rapidly developing its comprehensive national power and gradually shown a strong desire to reform the existing international economic institution. The purposes of this thesis are to explore the Sino-US strategic struggles in current international economic institution and evaluate the potential impacts on the Sino-US relations caused by Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank from the perspective of structural realism. Based on the conducted analyses, this thesis concludes that China aims to pursue the gains corresponding to its growing influence and have a bigger say in the international economic institution. Moreover, China also devotes to maintaining the status quo in balance of power with the United States while establishing a parallel structure to the existing international economic institution so as to accomplish its Two Centenary Goals of strategic development.

自從習近平在「莊園會晤」時向歐巴馬提出，中美共同建立新型大國關係，中共在亞太地區已經是掩蓋不住大國崛起的態勢。此時的平壤早已察覺到大國的壓力，面對中美關係日趨緊密，北韓為維持政權延續以及從中獲取利益，盡其所能提高在中美大國競爭時的籌碼，尤其是在東北亞各國政權更替時，施展戰略邊緣政策。 美國藉由北韓核試爆議題，成功部署軍事規劃、高舉國際輿論的大旗，迫使中共不得不對北韓施以必要措施。對於北韓不斷的舉行核試爆與導彈試射，中共在維護其重要國家利益與面對美國再平衡戰略的考量下，轉而借力使力，運用北韓核議題的持續發酵，得以延長應對美國及國際壓力。 因此，整個東北亞的關係結構，就是有關各國在中共與美國之間，取得對自己最大利益的位置。 / Xi Jinping proposed to Obama in the "Ennenberg Estate” summit in California during June 2013, Beijing has aftermath tried every effort to establish a “New Type of Great Power Relations” with Washington. China rise has been an obvious trend in the Asia-Pacific region. In this critical moment, Pyongyang has been aware of the pressure of big powers, in the face of China and the United States increasingly conciliatory relationship. In order to stabilize the North Korean regime and continue to take advantage of power politics in this area, North Korea tries to facilitate its bargaining gravity within the Sino-American interaction when they seek to use Pyongyang to counterbalance against each other. Particularly North Korea tends to exert its caliber of brinkmanship policy while it notices that the East Asian area is in the process of regime reshuffles. . Against the backdrop of North Korea's threat of continuing nuclear tests, Washington successfully accomplished military deployment and dominate direction of world public opinion in forcing China to impose the necessary measures on North Korea. For North Korea's ongoing nuclear test and missile test, China intends to manipulate its advantage based on its national interest. In the meantime, China implements this policy to counterweight the US “Rebalancing” strategy. Beijing goes to use the issue of North Korean nuclear development to further exert its strategy in responding to the pressures from both the United States and international community. Therefore, the international structure in the Northeast Asia, therefore, is that the concerning countries are seeking for their maximize advantage in the Sino-U.S. strategic engagement.