O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como o Partido Conservador, o Partido Liberal e os artesãos, mobilizados pelos liberais, interpretaram e justificaram sua participação na Guerra Civil de 1851 na Nova Granada. O capítulo1sintetiza o desenvolvimento político do país, desde o fim do período colonial até o momento em que se desenvolve o conflito armado. O capítulo 2 debruça-se sobre a conjuntura granadina de meados do século XIX e apresenta a Guerra Civil de 1851, analisando a produção historiográfica a respeito do tema. Os três capítulos seguintes, que formam a segunda parte da dissertação, discutem as representações que as distintas forças políticas faziam de si mesmas, de seus adversários e da sociedade que os circundava. Um epílogo conclui a dissertação, dando particular destaque ao indulto concedido aos insurgentes conservadores após o desfecho da Guerra. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze how the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party and the craftsmen, mobilized by the Liberals, have interpreted and justified their involvement in the Civil War of 1851 in New Granada. Chapter 1 summarizes the political development of the country, starting at the end of the colonial period until the moment when the armed conflict developed. Chapter 2 deals with the grenadine context during the mid-19th century and presents the Civil War of 1851, analyzing the historical production on the subject. The following three chapters, that form the second part of the dissertation, discuss the representations that different political forces made of themselves, their opponents and the surrounding society. An epilogue concludes the essay with particular prominence to the pardon granted to conservative insurgents, after the outcome of the war.

A Guerra Civil Espanhola não foi somente um confronto bélico, mas também, uma guerra marcada pelas questões sociais, políticas e ideológicas que estavam em ebulição no país, envolvendo operários, camponeses, personalidades políticas e artísticas, bem como intelectuais, que combatiam e defendiam seus ideais por meio de manifestações artísticas. Porém, mesmo com a imposição do exílio para estes escritores, poetas e pensadores, a resistência prosseguia por meio de autobiografias, antologias ou romances com a proposta de refletir os acontecimentos daqueles dias com um olhar distinto daquele imposto por Francisco Franco durante sua Ditadura. Um dos cenários recriados para a reflexão dos resultados desta guerra de confrontos já citados é Juego limpio, escrito durante o exílio de María Teresa León. No romance, Camilo rememora as experiências vividas durante sua atuação no grupo Guerrillas del Teatro del Ejército del Centro durante o conflito civil e sua relação amorosa com Angelines, atriz da companhia. De dentro de sua cela, Camilo refugia-se em suas memórias de modo a refletir seu presente mediante seu passado, estabelecendo a tensão entre o vivido (passado) e o narrado (presente), porém não o faz só, ele evoca os participantes do grupo de cômicos, para que junto com ele, a história das Guerrilhas seja contada. A estrutura polifônica das memórias de Camilo proporciona ao leitor construir a história por diversos ângulos, revelando tal qual uma caixa chinesa os acontecimentos explorados no romance, em que cada caixa é a representação da voz de uma personagem. María Teresa León encontra nessa estrutura polifônica o espaço para opor o discurso daqueles que vivenciaram a guerra ao discurso monocórdio da autoridade e, assim, o modo como se constrói a narrativa justifica a argumentação da obra em que há uma clara defesa da arte pluralizada defendida pelos republicanos espanhóis. / The Spanish Civil War was not only a war in martial terms, but was also marked by social, political and ideological disputes that were urgent in the country at the time. Such issues moved workers, peasants, politicians and artists, as well as intellectuals who fought for their ideals through art. Even though writers, poets and thinkers were punished with exile, the resistance held strong in memoirs, anthologies or novels that brought up new considerations about its contemporary events, with different visions from that of Francisco Franco\'s regime. One of the works that proposed a vigorous discussion about this war was Juego limpio, written by María Teresa León during exile. In the novel, Camilo remembers his experiences while working with the group Guerrillas del Teatro del Ejército del Centro, during the civil war, and his love affair with Angelines, one of its actresses. In his prison cell, Camilo takes shelter in his memories to make conclusions about his present. There is a conflict between what he lived (past) e what he reports (present). He doesn\'t do it alone, though, but invites comic actors from the group to tell the story of the Guerrillas with him. This polyphonic structure of Camilo\'s memoir enables the reader to know the story from different points of view, such as a Chinese box in which each box represents the voice of one character. María Teresa León finds in this polyphonic structure a way to confront the voice of those who lived the war with that of the authorities, which is monophonic. The way she chooses to tell the story reinforces her defense of the plural art in which the Spanish republicans believed.

Analisa-se na primeira parte desta tese a estrutura de composição do Historiarum Liber, obra de maturidade em que Tácito se propõe a relatar a história romana a partir do conturbado ano 69 d.C., o chamado ano dos quatro imperadores. Por meio de requintes na composição narrativa, em que se utiliza de toda uma gama de artifícios retóricos, o autor traça um vasto painel daquilo que considerou execrável nos romanos, bem como daquilo que procurou exaltar como boa forma de governo. Detém-se nos aspectos históricos do ano 69 e apoia-se nos aspectos literários para narrar a época pós-Nero, momento em que o poder se divide entre o senado e o exército. Dessa maneira, do que chegou a nós, o Historiarum liber propõe reflexão acerca das formas de governar, já apontando uma decadência daquilo que Tácito julgava como a força do Império. Na segunda parte, apresenta-se o texto estabelecido por Henri Goelzer para a editora Les Belles Lettres, com nossa tradução a latere, acrescida de notas de cunho gramatical, histórico e literário. / We analyze in the first part of this thesis the structure of composition of the Historiarum Liber, a work of maturity in which Tacitus intends to report the Roman history considering the agitated year of 69 d. C., the so called year of four emperors. Through strategies of refinement in the narrative composition, in which he uses a variety of rhetorical sources, the author pictures an ample frame of those things he considered abominable in Romans, as well as of those things which he tried to exalt as a good form of government. We dwell on the historical aspects of the year 69 and consider the literary aspects so as to narrate the post-Nero age, a moment in which the power is divided between the senate and the army. This way, taking into account what survived in history, the Historiarum liber proposes a meditation on the strategies of government, while pointing to the decadence of that which Tacitus judged as the strength of the empire. In the second part, we present the text established by Henri Goelzer for the French editor Les Belles Lettres, with our translation a latere, added by notes of grammatical, historical and literary nature.

Esta tese volta-se para o exame de como a guerra civil angolana (1975-2002), já implicada durante a guerra de libertação contra o colonialismo português, imprimiu os termos a partir dos quais a construção de um estado nacional unívoco pôde ser concebido. Em diálogo com trabalhos que abordam a questão das formações nacionais como agenciamento entre diferenças, colocam-se como foco de análise as diversas narrativas sobre o conflito. A oposição entre MPLA e UNITA em Angola produziu duas formas opostas de universalização e de agenciamento de diferenças, formas estas, no entanto, igualmente direcionadas à representação de uma identidade nacional coesa. Diferentes categorias de diferenciação como etnia, oposição campo-cidade, raça e reivindicações ideológicas foram mobilizadas por cada lado de formas distintas em diferentes momentos do conflito, tanto na forma de autorrepresentações quanto na forma de contraposições via acusações. Categorias de diferenciação foram sendo produzidas no transcurso do conflito à medida que as estratégias dos atores iam informando suas agendas políticas. Nesse processo, os oponentes moldaram suas irreconciliações um em relação ao outro. Essa rede de narrativas conflitantes é mapeada de modo a compreender, ao mesmo tempo, sua transformação no que diz respeito ao modo de configurar as diferenças e sua contribuição para a formação da imaginação nacional angolana. A análise atenta para as inflexões operadas nos regimes discursivos em torno das principais questões que compuseram os diferentes momentos do conflito. / This dissertation analyzes how the Angolan civil war (1975-2002), already implied during the liberation war against Portuguese colonialism, set the terms based on which the construction of a univocal nation state could be conceived. In dialogue with the literature that approaches the issue of national formation as the handling of differences, this work assesses the different narratives on the conflict. The opposition between the MPLA and UNITA in Angola produced two different, opposed forms of universalizing and handling differences, which were nonetheless equally directed towards the representation of a cohesive national identity. At different moments during the conflict, each side resorted to different categories of differentiation such as ethnicity, the rural-urban divide, race, and ideological claims, in the form of both self-representation and contraposition through accusation. Categories of differentiation were produced throughout the conflict as the actors strategies informed their political agendas. In this process, the rivals molded their irreconciliations in relation to one another. This network of conflicting narratives is mapped out in order to understand both its transformation regarding how differences were configured and its contribution to the formation of an Angolan national imagination. The analysis focuses on the turning points of the discursive regimes concerning the main issues that made up the different moments of the conflict.

The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.

The diploma thesis focuses on the issue of Czechoslovak-Spanish and Slovak-Spanish relations and contacts during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Through the elaboration and analysis of the Slovak historical literature and the press on the subject of the Spanish war, it tries to offer a complex view of the issue, taking into account the political, social and economic problems of the mentioned period in the domestic scene as well as in Spain. The author deals not only with the development of Slovak-Spanish relations and their imposition into international context, but also with a critical analysis of Slovak newspapers and literary works dealing with the subject of the Spanish conflict, which were issued during this period, through foreign and domestic academic literature as well as memories of direct participants. The aim of this thesis is to offer an impartial overview on the topic Slovakia and the Spanish Civil War, with emphasis on key aspects of Czechoslovak, Slovak and Spanish history.

Civil wars are inherently complex and often feature a myriad of actors, whose interactions influence the intensity, duration and outcome of the conflict. The larger the number of actors involved in a conflict, the more complex it gets. While civil wars are often portrayed as a dyadic interaction between the government and a single rebel group, this is far from the reality. Between 1946 and 2015, more than half of those countries that experienced civil wars saw two or more active rebel groups. Understanding multiparty conflicts better is important, as they are deadlier, more difficult to solve and more dangerous for civilians. This dissertation studies the causes and consequences of multiparty civil wars. It suggests that all actors in a conflict system with several actors influence each other, which impacts conflict dynamics. Four essays shed light on different aspects of these civil wars. Essay I studies the differences in formation rates of rebel groups across the states of Northeast India. It finds that potential rebel groups will only form when rebellion is perceived as a legitimate way to address grievances and when competition from already existing groups is not too high. Essay II looks at rebel group splintering: It focusses on relationships within rebel groups and finds that both vertical and horizontal relations affect the likelihood of splintering. Essay III studies violent interactions between rebel groups and investigates how different conflict dynamics influence interrebel fighting. It demonstrates that interrebel fighting is more likely when one of the rebel groups is more successful against the government and when negotiations are ongoing. Finally, Essay IV widens the scope of conflict actors by studying why rebels decide to fight against UN peacekeeping operations. It shows that only relatively strong rebel groups are likely to attack blue helmets. Taken together, this dissertation furthers our understanding of the causes and consequences of multiparty civil wars. It highlights the intricate web of relations that form between actors and that influence civil war dynamics. These relations matter not only for studying civil wars, but also for preparing negotiations or planning a peacekeeping mission.

Peacekeepers are widely viewed as being at growing risk of direct and deliberate violence. Attacks are recorded in many and diverse contexts, targeting interventions deployed by both the United Nations and other organisations. This dissertation seeks to advance the understanding of such violence, studying its causes, characteristics and consequences. The impact of deliberate violence against peacekeepers can be severe; it often extends past those immediately affected and impacts interveners’ ability to accomplish their aims. As a topic of scientific inquiry, however, violence against peacekeepers has only recently seen a growth in interest, and systematic study has so far been sparse. This dissertation makes a number of theoretical and empirical contributions to this emerging area of research. The dissertation contains four individual essays. To set the stage and provide foundations for further studies, Essay I specifies key concepts and maps the research field to date. It promotes a wider, and arguably more theoretically appropriate, conceptualisation of violence against peacekeepers than used in earlier studies. Essay II presents new, systematically collected event data on violence against UN and non-UN peacekeepers deployed to conflict-affected countries in sub-Saharan Africa between 1989 and 2009. Patterns from the data demonstrate that, while widely prevalent, violence against peacekeepers is not ubiquitous to peacekeeping and displays considerable variation within and across interventions. Drawing on this novel data, Essay III provides one of the first systematic studies on the time-varying determinants of rebel attacks on peacekeepers, showing its occurrence to be closely linked to rebel performance on the battlefield. Finally, Essay IV explores how operating in a challenging security environment can affect peacekeepers’ ability to perform core mission functions, drawing on the case of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). The analysis illustrates how such an environment may expose and further constrain already limited capabilities and willingness for robust and armed action in UN peacekeeping operations. Taken together, the essays advance our understanding of the causes, characteristics and consequences of violence against peacekeepers.

This paper contributes to the literature on post-conflict identity in exploring the question: which conditions favor the success of superordinate identity formation among former conflict parties in post-civil war societies? Building on the social psychological literature on terror management theory (TMT) and optimal distinctiveness theory (ODT), it argues that the presence of a common enemy among former conflict parties increases the likelihood of successful superordinate identity formation. An in-depth qualitative comparative study on national identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) after the 1992-1995 civil war and Lebanon after the 1975-1990 civil war is conducted in order to test the theoretical arguments of this paper. The empirical findings lend preliminary support to this hypothesis, yet also point to limits in the study’s theoretical framework, including the instability of an identity predicated upon a common enemy which may not exist in the future. This paper also identifies two alternative explanations to account for the outcomes observed in the two cases, including differences in the nature of the conflicts and the different ways consociationalism has been implemented in the two countries.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / The aim of this research is to highlight both the conceptual and practical factors that constrain attempts to link humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa by using the case study of Mozambique in the period between 1975-1995. Extensive use and reference to Norwegian relief and development aid during the above-mentioned period is made. Although cross-reference is made to other donor countries such as the Like-minded Group (comprising of Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland) and UN agencies that supported Mozambique's transition from war to peace, the major focus is on Norway as she has traditionally been the sixth largest bilateral donor by the early 1990's and incorporated long-term development priorities in her programs. / South Africa