Thesis (M.S.)--University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2008. / Title from title page screen (viewed on Feb. 26, 2009). Thesis advisor: Mark Littmann. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 311-330). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Driven by the needs of growing populations, industrial and governing powers are successfully accelerating the rate of industrial consumption, production and employment as if the earth’s resources are in unlimited supply. In contrast, a range of international sustainable development forums, inspired by visionary individuals, have made significant progress in creating awareness that the footprint of human activity is exceeding the earth’s sink and source capacity; and educating people in government, workplaces and communities to slow down industrial consumption and clean up production. Turning around conventional and short sighted ‘business as usual’ logic, and directing economies toward greener, long-term sustainability outcomes, still meet with resistance and hidden unsustainable agendas. The ‘green economy’ drive nevertheless since 2008 attracts financial and human resources and bold action in favour of more sustainable management of human-nature relations. The sustainable development movement for example advocates a ‘triple bottom line’ approach, holding that socially and ecologically responsible economic development would be sustainable. The sustainability movement has attained significant buy-in among governments and business communities. It forms the under-labouring philosophy of the programmes reviewed in this case study. The thesis reviews social-economic events paving the way for a global green economy. Taking a leadership role in the sustainable development movement the United Nations (UN) and the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) concurred to respond to the 2008 world-wide economic meltdown with a two-pronged ‘Green New Deal’ (UNEP, 2008). The Green New Deal financial package helps restore multi-national economic growth, employment and markets while re-shaping economies to follow an ecologically and socially responsible growth trajectory. South Africa implements green economy principles as part of the 2010 The New Growth Path overarching policy framework, with an implementation strategy embedded in the 2011 National Development Plan (NDP) (RSA. The Presidency, 2010; 2011). The New Growth Path emphasises that the transformation of South Africa’s un-sustainable economic and educational legacy to a more sustainable future is not expected to follow a smooth, linear process. The transition to a green economy is rather expected to be an event of “… noisy, healthy democracy” (RSA. The Presidency, 2010). A green, low carbon economy particularly constitutes a pledge to slow down and turn the human induced climate change trajectory around. McKinsey (2009) argues that this pledge is attainable on a world-wide scale, as sufficient and suitable environmentally sound techniques and technologies are already in place. Attaining buy-in from business stakeholders toward re-thinking and amending an economy’s self-defying large environmental footprint (inclusive of carbon, water and waste footprints) however requires education starting with awarenessraising followed by educational programmes and official curricula aimed at implementation and continuous improvement of green practices in day to day ‘doings and beings’ (Sen, 1997). This study at implementation level reviews two green economy training programmes and their emergence in South Africa around this rationale. The awareness generation and training programmes elected as case study examples are the ‘Resource Efficient and Cleaner Production’ (RECP) and ‘Industrial Energy Efficiency’ (IEE) programmes, of the hosting agency National Cleaner Production Centre of South Africa (NCPC-SA). The RECP and IEE teams reach out to decision makers, engineers and artisans at industrial workplaces and workplace related events to add green competences to their business-as-usual skill sets. Implementing green options in industry typically slows down industrial scale resource consumption, pollution, waste generation and green-house gas (GHG) emissions while optimising resource productivity and enterprise excellence. Optimised supply side systems allow industry to reduce energy and material intensity of products thus reducing cost and producing more with less. In transitioning to a ‘Green GDP’ economy South Africa is awakening to the reality that natural resources constitute the original, albeit limited feedstock for growth and employment. The RECP and IEE approach also contribute to reduction of industrial waste, waste-to-landfill, and energy and resource security. Literature reviewed for this research provides evidence that the green economy’s triple bottom line philosophy is quantifiable thus manageable. A range of green economy management tools are emerging, including guidelines for carbon, water and environmental footprinting and the green-house gas abatement cost curve (see section 2.2.5) (McKinsey and Company, 2009). Transitioning from business as usual to ecologically sustainable industrial sectors however requires visionary, educated leadership, willing and capable of introducing modern and more efficient techniques and technologies. The boundaries of this half thesis embrace the globally and historically significant Tbilisi Declaration and other education and sustainable development agreements produced by United Nations and OECD mechanisms. Participating nations like South Africa incorporate the essence of these agreements into domestic policies and strategies, and align industries to remain competitive in international markets, which are increasingly enforcing green standards like ISO 14001 and ISO 50001. The focus of this case study guided by inductive, abductive and retroductive inference is to understand how the two sustainability learning programmes for people in industrial workplaces, supported by the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO) and relevant donors, and overseen by the South African Department of Trade and Industry (the dti), relate to emerging green learning aspects. Producing a review of this nature requires a framework of laterally understanding emerging green learning aspects, for which I have reviewed green economy literature and also green learning and conventional education and training literature respectively. Themes emerging from the literature review informed an analytical instrument (questionnaire) in Phase One. In Phase Two the questionnaire was applied through nested case study methodology to show how the educational content and approaches of the RECP and IEE programmes relate to emerging green learning aspects and as such is suitable for mainstreaming in the national educational system. From an explicit educational perspective potential partners for collaboration include the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET) the South African Qualifications Authority’s (SAQA’s) Quality Council for Trades and Occupations (QCTO) and the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) representing the training needs of the industrial workforce but affiliated to QCTO and SAQA. In the extended scenario the NCPC-SA as a dti programme recognises the Department of Environmental Affairs (DEA) as lead agency guiding implementation of South Africa’s green economy, and specifically DEA’s National Environmental Sector Skills Planning Forum (NESPF), a national leader in green skills development in South Africa, as conduit for productively mainstreaming relevant RECP and IEE content and approaches toward green skills development for the green economy.

No description available.

No / The widespread protests of November 2019 may be marked as the bloodiest recent chapter of the Islamic Republic of Iran's history in terms of popular dissent. The two major protests in December 2017 and November 2019, followed by the public reaction to the shooting down of the Ukrainian International Airlines Flight 752 by the IRGC over Tehran after the US killing of General Soleimani, suggest that the prevailing dynamics of political protest in Iran are changing. There is an increasing sense of radicalisation among protesters, while the state is prepared to resort to extreme violence to maintain control. The geography of political protest has changed. The declining economic situation has had a profound impact on the more vulnerable segments of the society who are now increasingly playing a more proactive role in challenging the state. The methods of protest have been evolving over the last four decades, especially in the cultural arena. Last but not least, the willingness of the protesters both to endure and inflict violence is precipitously transforming state-society relations beyond recognition. This article begins by providing a brief overview of protest in the history of the Islamic Republic, up to the public reaction to the 2020 downing of the Ukrainian airline over Tehran. This provides a historical context to assess the ways in which both the political climate and protests have changed over the last four decades. A section identifying and analysing the factors which have created the current political cul-de-sac then follows. The changing dynamics of the protests are the result of the existing political gridlock and the economic crisis, and it is thus important to evaluate the prevailing conditions which have paved the way for the radicalisation of political climate in Iran. The final section examines the changing dynamics of political protest.

Environmental and green politics came into prominance during the last two decades. These two concepts, as well as environmentalism and ecologism are defined in this study and placed within the context of the political system. The emphasis is on green politics and ecologism. The global green movement is analysed according to policy, organisational structures and pattern of development. The South African environmental and green movements are described in the latter part of the study. It is shown that South Africa has a long history of environmentalism. The South African green movement is compared with the global green movement after which it is placed within the context of the South African political system. Green politics in South Africa seems to resemble the early stages of the development of the European movement and the concept of social justice is emphasised. Selected Western Cape groups are discussed according to information gathered by means of a questionnaire. / Political Science / M.A. (Political Science)

Thesis (MPhil (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / The word ‘ecovillage’ is evocative of a kind of human settlement that exists in complete harmony with nature and examples of such settlements are indeed in existence almost everywhere in the world, some nearly half a century in the making. The Gqunube Green Ecovillage near East London can hardly be described as one of a proliferation of such settlements in South Africa, but it is anticipated that an examination of that project will contribute to the limited academic literature on the topic of sustainable human settlement. In Chapter 1, this thesis introduces the Gqunube Green Ecovillage and, in the following six chapters, traces its origins and demonstrates how models for ‘ideal’ human settlement developed. It explains how and why an international ecovillage movement reached South Africa and how Reverend Roger Hudson responded to that movement by starting the Gqunube Green Ecovillage in South Africa. The conclusion is that Reverend Hudson has achieved his primary objective, namely the establishment of an ecovillage, but the challenges described in this thesis have been significant. One of the most significant potential stumbling blocks to the future smooth management of Gqunube Green is its own regulatory environment that dictates the relationship between the settlers and their ecovillage. The proposed sociocratic management style, combined with a strongly spiritual, eco-theological objective, is driven by a strongly worded and rule-orientated ecovillage constitution that is shown in Chapters 2 and 3 to have the potential to both alienate and unite the inhabitants of the Gqunube Green Ecovillage – depending on how it is interpreted and enforced. The external regulatory environment, both enabling and restricting development, is analysed in Chapter 4. National, provincial and local government legislation, policies and guidelines intersect to influence the progress of the Gqunube Green Ecovillage, creating opportunity for controversy between conservationists and developers. However, the debates between the various interest groups over the appropriateness of various development options for the east bank of the Gonubie Estuary were largely incidental and somewhat irrelevant to the delays in the development of the Gqunube Green Ecovillage that are described in Chapter 5. Although bureaucratic delays in the formal process of development have restrained the full rollout of the ecovillage project, the Gqunube Green Ecovillage was eventually established at the end of 2005 and the chronology leading to this milestone is described in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 of this thesis examines the timing of the Gqunube Green Ecovillage project within a changing and enabling paradigm shift, enabled by cooperative local government and efforts at the integration of legislation and policy to align with the constitutional aims of sustainable development. The concept of an ecovillage is not always acceptable to everyone as the ideal development model, especially when big business has a stake. However, it has been argued that the very fact that the establishment of an ecovillage has succeeded where big business was about to establish itself is a victory in itself for the founders of the Gqunube Green Ecovillage.

自2002年秘密運作的核能設施曝光後，伊朗的核能政策一直是國際爭點且令人費解。若要討論伊朗核能政策是如何產出及其未來的走勢，本文認為伊朗本身的動機才是決定核能政策的關鍵。 本文以「個人－國內政治－國際政治」三層次作為分析架構，首先討論核能政策的發展歷程及其對伊朗的意義；其次分析伊朗最高宗教領袖Khamenei及伊朗政治派系如何影響核能政策；最後聚焦於2009年綠色運動後至2015年JCPOA簽訂這段期間，伊朗最高宗教領袖Khamenei與核能政策演變的關係。 本文發現伊朗的政治菁英對核能政策有高度共識，認為發展核能政策代表著實踐伊朗的大國意識與民族尊嚴、經濟與能源多元化的自主發展以及安全上的保障。另外，從政治派系角度出發，核能政策也被視為派系鬥爭中的槓桿，是政治菁英獲得權力的工具。同時，基於伊朗特殊的政治體制－－教法學家體系，最高宗教領袖Khamenei為伊朗權力體系中的第一人，其態度與政治取向決定了核能政策的走向。而在最高宗教領袖Khamenei決定核能政策的走向時，其必須將國內外政經局勢納入考量，並時時權衡當前的局勢是否會影響其作為最高宗教領袖的合法性。本文認為，若能繼續對最高宗教領袖Khamenei加以觀察，並分析其與國內政治派系的互動，將有助於未來對伊朗核能政策的了解並對伊朗政治帶來更全面的研究。

This thesis seeks to better understand the most pressing cultural barriers to progress in the sustainability movement, and to offer suggestions for overcoming barriers. This research includes a two-year long case study of the sustainability movement at OSU, where the researcher coordinated projects encouraging behavior change. Despite increasing severity and knowledge of environmental problems, behavior on-campus continues largely unchanged. Cultural norms and values of western society underlie reasons why behavior is not changing on-campus. The OSU case study grounds cultural barriers identified in analysis of semi-structured interviews with campus sustainability leaders. Literature for this research looks at cultural norms and values which block progress in the movement and critiques current efforts which rely too heavily on science and technology to solve fundamentally human problems in pursuing sustainability. Some of the more prevalent cultural barriers identified in this research include: a lack of time and/or money to get involved in the movement or make behavior changes, reactionary thinking, a growing sense of entitlement, and a lack of dialogue about the sacrifices needed to create a more sustainable society. In examining ways to overcome cultural barriers to progress, the researcher suggests crafting the sustainability message to be accessible, relatable, valuable and manageable to the average person. The framework for crafting the sustainability message is guided by the notion that progress in the movement will be defined by a focus on creative, personal, and spiritual aspects of human life, in addition to scientific and technological measures. / Graduation date: 2012

Environmental and green politics came into prominance during the last two decades. These two concepts, as well as environmentalism and ecologism are defined in this study and placed within the context of the political system. The emphasis is on green politics and ecologism. The global green movement is analysed according to policy, organisational structures and pattern of development. The South African environmental and green movements are described in the latter part of the study. It is shown that South Africa has a long history of environmentalism. The South African green movement is compared with the global green movement after which it is placed within the context of the South African political system. Green politics in South Africa seems to resemble the early stages of the development of the European movement and the concept of social justice is emphasised. Selected Western Cape groups are discussed according to information gathered by means of a questionnaire. / Political Science / M.A. (Political Science)