This study examines the ideological inflection of the ‘farm killings’ discourse in the Eastern Province Herald articles published in August 1998. ‘Farm killings’ is a media frame which was applied to a spate of killings of people on the country’s farms since 1994. Heightened and sustained media attention on the ‘farm killings’ has lifted the phenomenon from the other ‘run-of-the-mill’ murder crimes, and located it firmly as a matter of public concern and a subject of a broad political and economic debate. In this study I investigate the media coverage of the ‘farm killings’ within the context of these debates. The cultural studies approach to the study of the media provides a fruitful theoretical framework within which this study is located. The ideological examination of the articles is done using the critical linguistics method - a brand of reflexive, interpretative style of analysis which enables a sustained examination of media texts within their social, cultural and historical context. This study’s conclusions pose a challenge to the ‘Fourth Estate’ role often claimed for the media. In particular, it denies that the Herald objectively, fairly and truthfully reflected the experience on the farms during the period of this study. Its main finding is that the newspaper instead, constructed a particular understanding of the killings characterised by subtle racism, bias and partiality.

This study investigates the complex role editorials – a newspaper's institutional voice – play in highly-polarised political contexts. Employing Van Dijk's insight that editorials "are usually not only, and even not primarily, directed at the common reader: rather they tend to directly or indirectly address influential news actors" (1992: 244), the study focuses on how the editorials of two Zimbabwean daily newspapers – The Herald, a perceived pro-government newspaper, and NewsDay, a perceived pro-opposition newspaper – speak to those in power. The study looks at these two newspapers' editorials from 1 June to 31 December 2013, which covers the period prior to, during and after the 2013 national elections. The 31 July, 2013 elections took place after four years of an uneasy government of national unity (GNU), which comprised ZANU-PF and the two MDC formations (Raftopoulos, 2013:978). Given the polarisation that is pervasive in the Zimbabwean politics and media, the study draws on Hallin and Mancini (2004)'s "Polarised Pluralist Model". In this model the media are used as instruments of struggle in conflicts, sometimes by dictatorships and by movements struggling against them, but also by contending parties in periods of democratic politics (Hallin and Mancini, 2004:61). Further, the methodological approach that informs this study is primarily qualitative. A qualitative content analysis of 30 editorials seeks to identify themes covered in the editorials. The study also employs a rhetorical analysis of 12 editorials and in-depth interviews and these form the adopted three-stage research design. The findings of this research somewhat contradict the common view in Zimbabwe that the privately-owned media blindly support the opposition while the stateowned media do the same to ZANU-PF (Chari, 2009:10; Mabweazara, 2011:110). Although The Herald openly supported ZANU-PF prior to the election, it shifted after the election as it pushed the ruling party to fulfill pledges made on the campaign trail. Some ZANU-PF officials were also censured by The Herald, although this selective criticism can be linked to factionalism in the party. NewsDay editorials reminded the newly formed government to mend the economy and provide basic services. While, the daily constantly censured Mugabe and ZANU-PF prior to the election, it also occasionally berated the MDC, which can be attributed to its participation in the GNU as that took away the privilege it previously had of not being hold accountable by the press.

The media, which help define what we think and our roles in the society, have a crucial role to project both men and women’s issues so as to change people’s perceptions and stereotypes about the role men and women play in the society. There is need, therefore, to ensure gender equality in the operations of the media so that issues to do with both men and women get adequate and equal coverage. This study on the reportage of the land redistribution exercise in Zimbabwe has, however, exposed the gendered nature of the operations of the media, particularly in the news production process. It provides that, overally, the news discourse is a masculine narrative whose androcentric form is a result of, and is protected by, claims to ‘objectivity,’ ‘professionalism’, ‘impartiality’ and the pursuit of a journalistic routine system that hegemonically prioritises men’s issues over those of women. The situation, as the research shows, has not been helped by journalists’ incapacity to do thematic appreciation of issues and their over-inclination towards a simplistic event-based journalism that fails to question policies as they are enacted and implemented in gender-skewed processes. The lack of gender policies, the operations of patriarchy and the pursuit of a journalistic routine system that sees nothing wrong with the ostracisation of women issues are very fundamental findings that the research uses in its attempts to explain why the gender equality discourse was left out of the news reports about the land reform exercise in Zimbabwe.

In June 2009, a 2.2 square mile 3-D high resolution seismic reflection survey was shot in southeastern Illinois in the Phillipstown Consolidated oilfield. A well was drilled in the 3-D survey area to tie the seismic to the geological data with a synthetic seismogram from the sonic log. The objectives of the 3-D seismic survey were three-fold: 1.) To image and interpret faulting of the Herald-Phillipstown Fault using drillhole-based geological and seismic cross-sections and structural contour maps created from the drillhole data and seismic reflection data, 2.) To test the effectiveness of imaging the faults by selected seismic attributes, and 3.) To compare spectral decomposition amplitude maps with an isochron map and an isopach map of a selected geologic interval (VTG interval). Drillhole and seismic reflection data show that various formation offsets increase near the main Herald-Phillipstown fault, and that the fault and its large offset subsidiary faults penetrate the Precambrian crystalline basement. A broad, northeast-trending 10,000 feet wide graben is consistently observed in the drillhole data. Both shallow and deep formations in the geological cross-sections reveal small horst and graben features within the broad graben created possibly in response to fault reactivations. The HPF faults have been interpreted as originally Precambrian age high-angle, normal faults reactivated with various amounts and types of offset. Evidence for strike-slip movement is also clear on several faults. Changes in the seismic attribute values in the selected interval and along various time slices throughout the whole dataset correlate with the Herald-Phillipstown faults. Overall, seismic attributes could provide a means of mapping large offset faults in areas with limited or absent drillhole data. Results of the spectral decomposition suggest that if the interval velocity is known for a particular formation or interval, high-resolution 3-D seismic reflection surveys could utilize these amplitudes as an alternative seismic interpretation method for estimating formation thicknesses. A VTG isopach map was compared with an isochron map and a spectral decomposition amplitude map. The results reveal that the isochron map strongly correlates with the isopach map as well as the spectral decomposition map. It was also found that thicker areas in the isopach correlated with higher amplitude values in the spectral decomposition amplitude map. Offsets along the faults appear sharper in these amplitudes and isochron maps than in the isopach map, possibly as a result of increased spatial sampling.

No description available.

The study critically explored the language of reportage of the Zimbabwe Land Reform programme as presented in selected Shona and English newspapers in Zimbabwe. The study focused on Kwayedza, The Herald, The Daily News and The Daily Mirror. The objective was to find out whether or not the verbal and visual languages used in reporting the Land Reform programme left readers more knowledgeable about the programme, and then adopt a critical attitude towards the Land Reform exercise. The study used qualitative textual analysis to unpack the language frames used in representing Land Reform in the selected newspapers. Some relevant critical voices from readers were also enlisted in order to support or complicate interpretations of how Land Reform was portrayed in the selected stories. Kwayedza and The Herald unequivocally supported the Land Reform. This official stance was contested in Chapter Four in which The Daily News adopted an ideological position opposed to both the idea of the Land Reform and the confiscatory way the land was repossessed. The Daily News’ extremely negative criticism of the Land Reform was challenged and then modified in The Daily Mirror. The Daily Mirror criticised both the government’s extremely supportive view of the Land Reform. The Daily Mirror also openly criticised The Daily News for refusing to acknowledge the historical inevitability and necessity of the Land Reform. The Daily Mirror advanced a perspective that suggested that Land Reform programme should benefit the masses more than the elites. It was argued that in contexts of political change such as that of Zimbabwe, newspapers take a stance and support particular ideological interests. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

"The development of newspapers in Dallas can be classified into certain definite dates: 1849-1865---the founding of the first newspaper to the Reconstruction period following the Civil War; 1865-1885--the postwar period and the expansion of newspapers; 1885-1906--the development of the present newspapers, the Dallas Morning News and the Dallas Times Herald, and others; 1906-1942--the advent of sensational journalism and the emergence of the newspaper as big business; and 1942 to the present--a decade of unprecedented growth and entrenchment."--leaf iv.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:44:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Francisco Ferrari.pdf: 33035292 bytes, checksum: f48646727ad7166f83a45afeef82a339 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-05 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis has as its research subject to recognize the musician/accordionist Mario Zan as one of the first composers to disclose the rhythms and boundary music of Mato Grosso do Sul to other states in the nation and also outside of the country, which contributed to make him known and respected in Brazil, concluding that he is a herald of boundary music of Mato Grosso do Sul. Thus, we aim to investigate the influence of the boundary music in Mário Zan´s compositions, and the relevance of his passage in the state at 1940s for Mato Grosso do Sul´s local music and culture. The research was realized by querying Campo Grande´s newspaper of the age, informal conversations with friends, musicians, acquaintances, besides statements made to myself, speeches from family members of the artist and also from memories and reports obtained through casual conversations with Mario Zan in November 1996. I used researches about the artist to increase the subject, that resulted in a biographical narrative about the musician. The literature research was essential for this study and thus the books of José Hamilton Ribeiro, Maria da Glória Sá Rosa, Rose Nepomuceno, Jose Octavio Guizzo, Alvaro Neder, Evandro Higa, Rodrigo Teixeira, among others were of great importance to understand the local music. Added to these, the researches of the culturalist theorists such as Antônio Cândido, Eneida Maria de Souza, Hugo Achugar, Nestor Garcia Canclini, Homi Bhabha, Angel Rama, among others, supported my theoretical reflections on the subject. Finally I conclude that the state of Mato Grosso, actually Mato Grosso do Sul, started to be musically known through Mário Zan´s compositions. The artist, while appropriating the boundary rhythms and show them to other regions of the country, played the role of spokesperson, in other words, became a herald of the boundary music of Mato Grosso do Sul. / Esta tese tem como objeto de pesquisa reconhecer o músico/sanfoneiro Mário Zan, como um dos primeiros compositores a divulgar os ritmos e a música da fronteira sul-mato-grossense, aos outros estados da nação e também fora dela, o que contribuiu para torná-lo conhecido e respeitado no Brasil, concluindo ser o mesmo, um arauto da música de fronteira de Mato Grosso do Sul. Com isso objetivamos verificar a influência da música de fronteira nas composições de Mário Zan, bem como a relevância de sua passagem pelo Estado na década de 1940, para a música da cultura local sul-mato-grossense. A pesquisa foi realizada a partir de consultas ao jornal da época, que circulava em Campo Grande, conversas informais com amigos, músicos e conhecidos de Mário Zan, além de declarações feitas a mim, depoimentos de familiares do artista e, também, a partir de memórias e relatos que obtive por meio de conversas com o próprio Mário Zan em novembro de 1996. Utilizei a pesquisa bibliográfica sobre o artista para verificar o objetivo proposto, que resultou em uma narrativa biográfica do compositor. A pesquisa bibliográfica mostrou-se fundamental para este estudo e, dessa forma, os livros de José Hamilton Ribeiro, Maria da Glória Sá Rosa, Rosa Nepomuceno, José Octávio Guizzo, Álvaro Neder, Evandro Higa, Rodrigo Teixeira, dentre outros, foram de grande importância para a compreensão da música local. Somam-se a esses os estudos de teóricos culturalistas tais como: Antônio Cândido, Eneida Maria de Souza, Hugo Achugar, Nestor Garcia Canclini, Homi Bhabha, Angel Rama, entre outros, que deram suporte às minhas reflexões teóricas sobre o assunto. Por fim, concluo que o estado de Mato Grosso, atual Mato Grosso do Sul, começou a ser conhecido musicalmente por meio das composições de Mário Zan. O artista ao apropriar-se dos ritmos fronteiriços e mostrá-los para outras regiões do país fez o papel de porta-voz, ou seja, tornou-se um arauto da música de fronteira de Mato Grosso do Sul.

L'exploration du Montreal Herald comble en partie les lacunes que révèle la revue du dossier historiographique sur l'irruption de la violence armée dans le district de Montréal en novembre 1837. Ces lacunes se ramènent toutes à la thèse de l'unité d'action du gouvernement et au ralliement de dernière minute des forces loyales. La vue d'ensemble de la période 1834-1840 permet d'abord de dégager l'axe argumentatif de ce journal radical tory : l'opposition frontale à la politique de conciliation du cabinet Melbourne et la lutte de prédominance dans laquelle il est engagé simultanément contre les meneurs du parti majoritaire, mais aussi contre les Canadiens investis de l'autorité suprême dans la magistrature, la milice et l'Exécutif. À travers le filtre de ce collectif anonyme, les miliciens, les hommes du guet et les magistrats tory réaffirment ainsi leur intention de former le seul point d’appui sur lequel, tôt ou tard, le pouvoir impérial devra s'appuyer. Les liens privilégiés qu'ils entretiennent avec l'état-major en sont la clef de voûte. Évoqué d'entrée de jeu, le recours aux armes se cristallise principalement sur les patrouilles nocturnes dans le cadre municipal naissant. Toute la stratégie organisationnelle de l'aile radicale tory s'y rapporte. A l'instar du British Rifle Corps, le Doric Club doit être ainsi considéré à la fois comme une police parallèle privée et l'avant-garde d'une faction politique. Revendiqué par le propriétaire du Montreal Herald, le rôle précurseur de ce dernier favorise le basculement du conflit politique dans la violence armée. La crise latente d'autorité envers le gouverneur culmine le 15 novembre 1837 : deux plans d'intervention distincts semblent avoir été préconisés par les autorités civiles et l’état-major. Les vues antagonistes aux plus hauts échelons de l'État se répercutent jusque dans le traitement des prisonniers politiques, prélude de l'insurrection de 1838. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : rébellions de 1837-1838, milice volontaire, guet, torysme, violence armée, orangisme

This thesis examines the writing of U.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union Joseph Davies, Norman Deuel of the United Press, and Joseph Barnes of the New York Herald Tribune over the course of their respective postings in Moscow between 1936-1938. The purpose of this thesis is to look past interpretations of perceived right and wrong reporting on the Soviet Union and instead identify precisely how and why Americans outside the diplomatic corps viewed and perhaps identified with aspects of Stalinist society. Residing in Moscow over an extended period of time, Davies, Barnes, and Deuel were not mere observers. Immersed in Soviet society, Davies and the press correspondents became themselves producers of socialist realist writing as their American affinity for ambitious modernization translated into an idealized view of Stalinist modernization projects, one which viewed present hardships through a socialist realist lens while echoing Soviet enthusiasm for medical and scientific advancements, material plenty, heroics, youth, and territorial exploration. Excluded from the close-knit circle of career diplomats, Davies and the newsmen also came to view the Moscow show trials through the same socialist realist lens, one which presented the desired utopian future through elaborate socialist realist theatre.