The plague raged in Venice from 1348 to 1797, striking in successive deadly waves. Countless votive images produced as "spiritual remedies" brought solace to the faithful terrified of the ongoing scourge. However, in the retables directly related to the plague, we observe the frequent presence of dark clouds. This pattern, which has gone largely unnoticed, is studied here for the first time in detail and associated with contemporary medical theories regarding the aerial spread of the disease. The dark cloud is first examined as an iconographic motif and placed in the context of Venice's health and sanitary situation in the 15th and 16th centuries, as well as the ancient literature on the plague that influenced the humanist thought of the Venetian Renaissance. Furthermore, we examine the theoretical function of the dark cloud, as a "figure" (E. Auerbach and L. Marin), as a "pictorial graph" (H. Damisch) and as a "detail" (D. Arasse). The use of these different theoretical models allows us to reconsider the presence and possible meanings of the dark cloud as a metaphor for the plague. The thesis concludes with a typology test of the plague cloud. / La peste sévit à Venise de 1348 à 1797, frappant par vagues mortelles successives. D'innombrables images votives produites comme « remèdes spirituels » participaient au réconfort des fidèles terrifiés par le fléau. Or, dans les retables directement liés à la peste, on observe la présence fréquente de nuages sombres. Ce motif passé à peu près inaperçu est étudié ici pour la première fois en détail et associé aux théories médicales contemporaines concernant la propagation aérienne de la maladie. Le nuage sombre est d'abord examiné comme motif iconographique et replacé dans le contexte de la situation sanitaire de Venise au XVe et au XVIe siècle et de la littérature antique sur la peste ayant influencé la pensée humaniste de la Renaissance vénitienne. Dans un deuxième temps, nous examinons la fonction théorique du nuage sombre, comme « figure » (E. Auerbach et L. Marin), comme « graphe pictural » (H. Damisch) et comme « détail » (D. Arasse). L'usage de ces différents modèles théoriques permet de reconsidérer la présence et les significations possibles du nuage sombre comme métaphore de la peste. Le mémoire se conclut par un essai de typologie du nuage de peste.

Centuries of devastating, recurrent outbreaks made the plague the archetypical disease of late medieval and early modern societies. Yet explanations of where it came from changed significantly over time. This dissertation examines how portrayals of the plague’s origins and place in society evolved separately in England and France, from the fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries. It relies in particular on plague tracts, a long-lasting literary genre that offered standardized therapeutic and curative advice. Medical historians have studied these sources to trace the development of medical thinking and practice over time. This dissertation focuses instead on the tracts’ changing discourses about the nature of the plague that are unique to time and to place. The study elaborates a new analytical method to investigate the materiality and contents of these historical documents: it involves close reading and a codicological/bibliographical comparison of approximately 180 tracts in manuscript and printed form, set into their appropriate historical contexts. Tract producers influenced how the plague was understood locally. England’s centralised print industry fostered the idea that London was the de facto site and source of the disease; France’s diffused industry, by contrast, encouraged the discussion and tracking of outbreaks in multiple cities. Understanding of the plague’s origins also evolved: belief in malevolent celestial events gave way, in turn, to blaming unhealthy local landscapes, then the living conditions of the poor, and finally the Ottoman Empire. By the mid-seventeenth century, tract writers pointed to the Ottoman Empire as the historical and geographical source of the disease. Especially during the tumultuous sixteenth century, religious discord, dynastic factionalism, and incapable rulers also appeared in the tracts as causes and effects of the plague. Plague tracts are direct expressions and reflections of the short- and medium-term historical waves in which they appeared. It is possible to trace through them shifts in political, cultural, and intellectual worldviews. The spread of humanism in particular influenced how tract writers discussed the plague’s origins and influence in society. This study thus demonstrates that understanding disease is a cultural construct specific to time and place. Observing the unique aspects of plague tracts enhances our ability to understand the place of disease in past human societies.

Ypač pavojingos užkrečiamosios ligos ištisus amžius sėjo mirtį pasaulyje. Nuo XIX a. susirgimai šiomis ligomis Europoje registruoti rečiau nei Viduramžiais, o pastaraisiais amžiais tos ligos tapo retenybe. Tačiau Pasaulio sveikatos organizacija įspėja – turime išlikti budrūs, nes sergamumas maru, cholera ir kitomis ypač pavojingomis užkrečiamosiomis ligomis vis dar stebimas kai kuriose Azijos valstybėse (Indija, Kinija), Arabijoje, Afrikoje. Pagal Pavojingų ir ypač pavojingų užkrečiamųjų ligų, dėl kurių ligoniai, asmenys, įtariami, kad serga pavojingomis ar ypač pavojingomis užkrečiamosiomis ligomis, asmenys, turėję sąlytį, ar šių ligų sukėlėjų nešiotojai turi būti hospitalizuojami, izoliuojami, tiriami ir (ar) gydomi privalomai, sąrašą (toliau Pavojingų ir ypač pavojingų užkrečiamųjų ligų sąrašas), ypač pavojingoms užkrečiamosioms ligoms priskiriamos:  maras,  cholera ar sukėlėjo nešiojimas,  beždžionių raupai,  geltonoji karštligė,  virusinės hemoraginės karštligės. Šiame magistro darbe dižiausias dėmesys skiriamas maro istorinei raidai Lietuvoje XIV – XVIII a. a., kadangi ši liga darė didžiausią įtaką tautos demografiniam kitimui mūsų nagrinėtu laikotarpiu. Šis darbas užpildys medicinos ir visuomenės sveikatos istorijos spragą, kurioje labai trūksta duomenų apie minėtų amžių ypač pavojingas užkrečiamąsias ligas. Darbe taip pat pateikta informacija apie sifilio protrūkius Lietuvoje. Sifilis, pagal aukščiau minėtą Pavojingų ir ypač... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The especially dangerous contagious diseases were very important in every century. From the 19th century comparing to the Medieval centuries there were less cases of especially dangerous contagious diseases in Europe and at the last time that cases became very rare. But the World Health Organization warns – people have to stay careful because various dangerious contagious diseases like plague or cholera are still common in such Asia countries like India, China, in Africa continent and in Arabic countries too. According to the Health Care minister’s order of Dangerous and especially dangerous contagious diseases, the especially dangerous contagious diseases are classified like that:  Plague,  Cholera,  Monkey’s variola,  The yellow fever,  The viral haemorrhage fever. On this Master’s Final Thesis the most information is concentrated on plague history in Lithuania in 14th – 18th centuries, because plague was the most important reason of the country’s population demographic changes. These Thesis will fill the section of medicine’s history part of the contagious diseases in 14th – 18th centuries. The syphilis is mentioned on that Thesis too, because this disease is classified as dangerous contagious disease on the list of dangerous contagious diseases by the order of minister. Cholera and variola are important for Lithuania’s medicine history too, but knowing because the diseases started in a country just from the 19th century, so we are... [to full text]

O presente trabalho discute a construção sociotécnica da peste bubônica no Rio de Janeiro de 1897 a 1906. Tem como aporte teórico a teoria do ator-rede e como metodologia o acompanhamento de cientistas, médicos e políticos brasileiros interessados no combate à peste, analisando as polêmicas que se envolveram, e que redes sociotécnicas foram por eles mobilizadas. As fontes utilizadas foram: trabalhos científicos publicados no Brazil-Medico; debates veiculados na imprensa diária e os relatórios da Diretoria Geral de Saúde Pública (DGSP). As principais polêmicas foram em torno do tempo de incubação, letalidade e forma de transmissão da doença. A incubação implicava diretamente no tempo em que os navios ficariam submetidos à quarentena e o Governo Federal acreditava que ela durava 20 dias. Entretanto, pressões exercidas por diferentes atores, como a Associação Comercial de Santos, foram aos poucos mudando essa política e também a compreensão do período de incubação e da letalidade da doença. Em 1904, as quarentenas contra a peste foram extintas no Brasil e era consenso a doença não ser tão letal nem ficar incubada por um período superior a 10 dias. A questão da transmissão implicava diretamente na adoção de medidas sanitárias. Em 1900, o Governo Federal acreditava que a doença era transmitida pelo ar, ou por objetos, por isso a adoção de desinfecção de casas e no isolamento de pessoas contaminadas. Entretanto, em São Paulo, existia outra concepção sobre a transmissão e o extermínio de ratos era a principal medida. No Rio de Janeiro, alguns personagens, como Ismael da Rocha, defendiam a estratégia de São Paulo Com isso, foram estabelecidas duas redes, uma que concedia um papel aos ratos e outra não. A última foi vitoriosa até 1903. Naquela data, Oswaldo Cruz deu inicio a uma campanha de extermínio de ratos, que se mostrou eficaz. Quando os ratos passaram a ser considerados os culpados pela transmissão da doença mudanças ocorreram. As desinfecções passaram a se concentrar nesses animais e se planejou uma reformulação da cidade, com edifícios que vedassem a entrada de ratos e na construção de esgotos. / The present work discusses the socio-technical construction of the bubonic plague in Rio de Janeiro from 1897 to 1906. It has as theoretical support the actor-network theory and as methodology it follows Brazilian scientists, doctors and politicians in their action against the plague, analyzing the controversies in which they were involved and which socio-technical networks were mobilized by them. Sources used were: scientific papers published in Brazil-Medico, debates published in the daily press and reports from the General Direction of Public Health (Diretoria Geral de Saúde Pública DGSP). The main controversies were around the incubation time, lethality and method of transmission of the disease. Incubation affected directly the amount of days ships would be submitted to quarantine and the Federal Government believed that it lasted 20 days. However, pressure exerted by different actors, such as the Santos Commercial Association, were slowly changing this politic and also the understanding regarding the incubation period and the diseases lethality. In 1904, quarantines against the plague were extinguished from Brazil and it became a consensus that this disease wasnt very lethal and that the incubation time wasnt superior to 10 days. The matter of transmission implied different sanitary actions. In 1900, the Federal Government believed that the disease was transmitted through air or by objects, and therefore adopted actions such as house disinfection and isolation of contaminated people. However, in São Paulo, there was another conception regarding transmission, with the killing of rats being the main sanitary action. In Rio de Janeiro, some characters, such as Ismael da Rocha, were in favor of São Paulos initiative. Therefore, two networks were established, one where rats had an important part and another where they didnt. This last network was victorious until 1903. At that time, Oswaldo Cruz began a rat-killing campaign, which proved to be effective. When rats were considered as responsible for the transmission of the disease, different changes occurred. Disinfections became focused on this animals and a renovation of the city plan was done, with buildings that sealed the entrance of rats and the construction of sewers.

O exílio é um tema recorrente, embora pouco explorado, em Albert Camus. Sua obra é organizada em dois ciclos de criação: o absurdo e a revolta. Apesar de situado pelo autor no ciclo da revolta, propõe-se neste trabalho uma nova leitura de La Peste, obra que permite captar em um único texto a multiplicidade da temática do exílio em Camus, caracterizando-a como livro de transição entre esses dois conceitos, com a lucidez como elemento comum. O homem absurdo se percebe como tal pela consciência que tem de seu universo. Para o homem revoltado, a lucidez permite o combate. Em La Peste, o exílio, sob três aspectos, físico-social, psicológico e metafísico, integra a condição humana metafísica, em contraponto à condição histórica, tornando possível compreender tanto sua perspectiva como a do reino neste autor. / Exile is a recurring subject, though little explored, in Albert Camus. His work is organized in two creation phases: absurdity and rebellion. Even though situated by the author in the rebellion phase, this work proposes a new reading of La Peste, which allows seizing in only one text the thematic multiplicity of exile in Camus, characterizing it as a book of transition between these two concepts, with lucidity as their common feature. The absurd man thus perceives himself by means of the conscience he has of its universe. For the rebellious man, lucidity allows struggle. In La Peste, exile, under three aspects, physical-social, psychological and metaphysical, integrates the metaphysical human condition, in counterpoint to the historical condition, making it possible to understand its perspective, as well as the perspective of the kingdom, in this author.

In this thesis, I examine the ways in which the local identity as "the Plague Village" that has been built up in Eyam over the centuries intersects with heritage tourism and the local heritage museum in telling the story of Eyam's history with bubonic plague. The key areas of investigation are: 1) tourism in Eyam and the interactions between visitors and village residents, 2) the role of the local museum and other heritage projects in defining and constructing Eyam's public identity, 3) the secondary function of the museum as a memorial site, 4) the strategies employed by the museum in the design, display, and presentation of its exhibits, 5) the specific ways in which the museum describes and displays "the Plague", and 6) the issues surrounding a specific aspect of the Plague discourse addressed in the museum, the CCR5-Delta32 genetic mutation, which was the subject of genetic testing in Eyam to study its possible connection to surviving bubonic plague. Drawing on tourism research and heritage tourism studies, museum anthropology, anthropology of science, and medical anthropology, I show the interconnectedness and the complexity of heritage tourism in Eyam and the ways in which Eyam Museum contributes to this. Key Findings: 1) Heritage tourism is far more complex than can existing theories regarding "the gaze" suggest, and in Eyam, we see that the gaze is part of the picture, but the work of the imagination and the attempt by visitors to physically place themselves within the history they seek to learn about by walking particular routes and visiting particular spots are equally important in understanding the driving force behind the type of heritage tourism found in Eyam. 2) The museum is a very powerful driving force in Eyam's tourism, and it is the museum which determines what story is told to visitors and in what ways. It tells a history, but it also serves as a memorial to the people who died in Eyam's Plague outbreak, acting in some ways as a sacred site rather than as simply a museum. 3) Eyam Museum uses a variety of display formats, including dioramas, artefacts in glass cases, charts and graphs, drawings, and text panels. Its heavy use of text panels and its distinct lack of interactive displays differentiate Eyam Museum from other museums in Britain and in museum studies literature, but the museum's memorial function combined with lack of space and low budget mean that interactive displays are not being considered as an option at this time. 4) The Plague and "the gene" are seen as biomedical concepts in some ways, illustrated through a variety of methods, but at the same time, they are seen in social terms, as the Plague is the story of great suffering and loss for the village that is associated with specific names and individuals' life stories, while "the gene" is considered as an object of hope and amazement for its relationship not to bubonic plague, but to HIV, a "modern-day plague", making this part of the story told in the museum relevant and exciting to visitors to Eyam today.

O objetivo do trabalho foi descrever, em uma perspectiva histÃrica, o perfil epidemiolÃgico da peste no Estado do Cearà a partir de 1900 e a evoluÃÃo das aÃÃes de controle desse agravo no perÃodo de 1980 a 2008. Realizou-se um estudo descritivo, de natureza histÃrica, com associaÃÃo da abordagem da histÃria oral, para construÃÃo dos cenÃrios epidemiolÃgicos e operacionais e uma revisÃo de informaÃÃes histÃrico-epidemiolÃgicas do programa de controle. Para consubstanciar as informaÃÃes obtidas, foram realizadas entrevistas abertas com especialistas na Ãrea. Os registros histÃricos dos casos humanos foram recuperados somente a partir de 1935 e perÃodos de intensa atividade e outros de quiescÃncia foram identificados. Destaca-se que na dÃcada de 1980 a peste persistiu, atà 1986, de forma endÃmica na Serra da Ibiapaba. No perÃodo de 1982 a 1985 ocorreu um surto na Serra de Baturità tendo sido confirmados 89 casos humanos, registrada elevada densidade populacional de roedores e verificado considerÃvel incremento das aÃÃes do programa. Na dÃcada de 1990 apenas trÃs casos humanos foram confirmados na Serra da Ibiapaba e em 2005 mais um caso foi confirmado na Serra da Pedra Branca. O declÃnio dos casos humanos a partir de 1986 levou à reduÃÃo de todas as aÃÃes. Por vÃrias dÃcadas as aÃÃes do Programa de Controle da Peste (PCP) incluÃam educaÃÃo em saÃde, busca ativa de atividade pestosa e coleta de espÃcimes para anÃlises bacteriolÃgicas e sorolÃgicas. InquÃritos sorolÃgicos em carnÃvoros domÃsticos (cÃes e gatos) predadores de roedores foram introduzidos na rotina do PCP em 1989 visando o monitoramento da circulaÃÃo da Y. pestis e se revelou a ferramenta mais eficaz para detecÃÃo da atividade da zoonose. Foram detectados picos de positivaÃÃo em 1997, 2001 e 2005, e mesmo assim essa atividade vem sendo enfraquecida no estado e a recomendaÃÃo atual à restringir os inquÃritos sorolÃgicos apenas a amostras caninas. Os focos do Cearà estÃo localizados nos complexos ecolÃgicos das Serras de BaturitÃ, do Machado, das Matas, da Pedra Branca, de Uruburetama, da Ibiapaba e Chapada do Araripe. As aÃÃes inicialmente desenvolvidas nos focos como unidade ecolÃgica, apÃs a divisÃo polÃtico/administrativa das Ãreas, com a descentralizaÃÃo, passaram a ser organizadas em nÃvel de Regionais. Os focos do Cearà destacam-se como os mais importantes no Brasil, tanto pela ocorrÃncia de casos humanos quanto pela evidÃncia de circulaÃÃo permanente da bactÃria. A persistÃncia da peste no estado deve, pois, ser considerada uma ameaÃa real e permanente de acometimento humano nessas regiÃes, que pode estender-se para outros lugares, inclusive centros urbanos, tornando-se imperativo que os profissionais de saÃde estejam preparados. Por isso, para garantir o monitoramento dos focos na totalidade, torna-se imprescindÃvel a manutenÃÃo da vigilÃncia na perspectiva de foco, para permitir a adoÃÃo de medidas de controle adequadas para proteÃÃo das populaÃÃes humanas nas Ãreas focais / Our objective was to describe, in a historical perspective, the epidemiological profile of plague in the State of Cearà since 1900 and the evolution of the activities of the disease control from 1980 to 2008. We carried out a descriptive study using an historical approach based on the oral history for the construction of epidemiological and operational scenarios and a review of the historical and epidemiological information about the plague control program. To strengthen the information obtained, we conducted interviews with experts in the area. Historical records of human cases have been recovered only from 1935, and periods of intense activity and others of quiescence were identified. It is noteworthy that in the years 1980 plague persisted as endemic in Serra da Ibiapaba until 1986. In the period from 1982 to 1985 there was an outbreak in Serra de Baturità with 89 confirmed human cases; a rise of the rodentsâ population and significant increasing in the activities of the program were observed. In the 1990s, only three human cases were confirmed in Serra da Ibiapaba and in 2005 another case was confirmed in Serra da Pedra Branca. The decline of human cases after 1986 led to the reduction of the program activities. For several decades the activities of the Plague Control Program (PCP) included health education, active search for plague activity and collection of specimens for bacteriological and serological analysis. Serological surveys in domestic carnivores (dogs and cats) predators of rodents were introduced into the routine of PCP in 1989 to monitor Y. pestis activities in the foci proving the most effective tool to detect the zoonosis activities in the foci. In spite of the occurrence of positivity peaks detected in 1997, 2001 and 2005, this activity has been diminished in the state and the present recommendation is to restrict the serological surveys to canine samples only. The Cearà foci are located in the ecological complexes of the âserrasâ BaturitÃ, Machado, Matas, Pedra Branca, Uruburetama, Ibiapaba and Araripe. The foci area were formerly dealt as ecological units; however after the political/administrative division of the areas, in view of the âdecentralization processâ, they are now scattered among the âRegionaisâ. The Cearà foci are among the most important in Brazil, both by the number of human cases and by evidence of the permanent circulation of the bacterium. The persistence of plague in the state should therefore be considered a real and permanent risk in these regions, which may extend to other places, including urban centers, making it imperative that health professionals are prepared. Therefore, to ensure the monitoring of the foci, it is essential to maintain surveillance under the ecological approach, to enable the adoption of appropriate control measures for protection of human populations in focal areas

Crayfish plague is an emerging disease caused by the oomycete Aphanomyces astaci, a pathogen listed among the 100 World's Worst Invasive Alien Species. It was introduced into Europe in the second half of 19th century from North America and caused collapses of European native crayfish populations. Nowadays, A. astaci is widespread in Europe and has spread also to other parts of the world, threatening all susceptible crayfish of non-North American origin. The aims of this MSc thesis were 1) to provide information about crayfish plague outbreaks from recent years, and by using microsatellite and mtDNA markers reveal A. astaci genotypes involved; 2) to test healthy-looking indigenous crayfish for potential occurrence of chronic infections by A. astaci in Czechia. Six new crayfish plague outbreaks were confirmed from 2016 to 2018, involving at least five distinct pathogen strains. My results provide first evidence of the A. astaci genotype group D causing Astacus astacus and Austropotamobius torrentium mass mortalities in Czechia. MtDNA sequencing revealed two haplotypes of the D haplogroup, indicating two independent sources of infection presumably either from ornamental crayfish or spreading from neighbouring countries. The genotype group A was recorded in two A. astacus mortalities and genotype group...

Rinderpest virus is an enveloped Nonsegmented Negative Stranded RNA Virus (NNSV) belonging to the genus Morbillivirus in the Family Paramyxoviridae and the causative organism for “cattle plague”. The virion has a transport component and a replication component. The transport component consists of a lipid membrane with two external membrane-anchored glycoproteins, namely Hemagglutinin (H) and Fusion (F) proteins that are necessary for cell entry and release of newly formed virus particles. The replication component consists of viral genomic RNA encapsidated by the nucleoprotein (N) and a RNA polymerase complex (Large subunit L and phosphoprotein P). These two components are linked together by the matrix protein (M) that is believed to play a crucial role in the assembly and maturation of the virion particle by bringing the two major viral components together at the budding site in the host cell. To perform this function, M protein should be able to interact with the host cellular membrane, especially the plasma membrane in the case of Rinderpest virus, should be able to interact with itself to form multimers as well as with the nucleocapsid core. The function might include the interaction of M protein with the cytoplasmic tail of the other two envelope proteins namely F and H. To understand the role of matrix protein in Rinderpest virus life cycle, the following functions were characterized – 1) Matrix protein association with the host cell membrane. 2) Matrix protein association with nucleocapsid protein. Matrix protein association cellular membranes in rinderpest virus infected cells could be a result of its interaction with the cytoplasmic tails of the viral glycoproteins. Hence, this association was characterized in the absence of other viral proteins. In transiently transfected cells, M protein existed in two isoforms namely the soluble cytosolic form and membrane-bound form. The membrane-bound M protein associated stably with the membranes, most likely by a combination of electrostatic and hydrophobic interactions, which is inhibited at high salt or high pH, but not completely. Confocal microscopy analysis showed the presence of M protein in plasma membrane protrusions. When GFP was tagged with this protein, GFP was absent from nucleus and was present predominantly in the cytosol and the plasma membrane protrusions. However, M protein expression did not result in the release of membrane vesicles (Virus-like particles) into the culture supernatant implicating the requirement of other viral proteins in envelope acquisition. Matrix protein of RPV has been shown to co-sediment with nucleocapsid during mild preparation of RNP from virus-infected cells. This association was further investigated by virus solubilization. The matrix protein could be solubilised completely from virion only in the presence of detergent and high salt. This is in agreement with the previous observation from the laboratory that the purified matrix protein remained soluble in the presence of detergent and 1M NaCl. This suggested that M protein could oligomerise or associate with nucleocapsid. The purified M protein when visualized by Electron microscopy showed the presence of globular structures, which may be due to self association of M protein, which may be due to self-aggregation of M protein. The presence of GFPM in filamentous structures in transfected cells, as visualized by confocal microscopy could also be due to self-assembly of M protein. Interaction of matrix protein RPV nucleocapsid was confirmed using co- sedimentation and floatation gradient analysis. Results obtained from M-N binding assay using C-terminal deletions of nucleocapsid protein suggested that the matrix protein interacted with the conserved N-terminal core of nucleocapsid and non- conserved C-terminus 20% is dispensable. This is in agreement with the report that RPV M protein could be replaced with that of Peste-des-petits-ruminants virus(a closely related morbillivirus). The observation that the nucleocapsid protein interacts with both soluble and membrane-bound form suggests that the matrix protein can possibly interact itself to facilitate the assembly of replication component at the site of budding where the transport component is already assembled. Viral proteins of many RNA viruses interact with detergent-resistant host components that facilitate their transport inside the cell to the sits of assembly or replication. Rinderpest viral proteins acquire detergent resistance in infected cells. This acquisition is mediated by viral N protein. The relevance of this interaction in virus life cycle was studied using small molecule drugs that disrupt host cytoskeleton and lipid raft. The results obtained suggested that the host cytoskeleton, especially actin-filaments facilitate virus release from the plasma membrane. RPV matrix protein acquired detergent resistance in infected cells as well as in transfected cells. The pattern of detergent resistance suggested an association with the cytoskeleton or cytoskeleton associated proteins. However, results obtained from co-localisation studies in the presence of actin inhibitor and cold-ionic detergents are not consistent with the above observation. This property could be due to self-association of matrix protein.

Texte remanié de : Dissertation : Kunstgeschichte : Universität Tübingen : 1999. / Bibliogr. p. [421]-466. Notes bibliogr. Index.