This thesis seeks to explain the reasons behind Johann Wolfgang von Goethe's critical response to the French Revolution, and to identify his broader political views. It casts Goethe as a reform-minded conservative, who strove to advance civilisation and law-abiding liberty, and deplored tyranny, whether of the few or of the many. He deemed the Revolution politically and socially destructive, as it countered Enlightenment values of reason, tolerance, independent thought, and self-cultivation. While acknowledging the faults of the traditional ruling elite of the monarchy and aristocracy, Goethe also recognised the inherently flawed nature of human beings. This led him to support modest changes to redress specific grievances, rather than to overturn an entire political system in the utopian hope of realising a vice-ridden 'brotherhood of Man'. The fictional works indicate an author who favoured clearly definable freedoms over an abstract 'universal' freedom, who believed that BÃ1⁄4rger should develop their intellect and find an occupation best suited to their personal attributes, and that the most temperate and politically astute among them should influence government by co-operating with aristocrats. Goethe also portrays the fall of the ancien régime as largely self-inflicted, presenting many selfish and gullible courtiers, and incompetent kings. He appears to lament its demise, however, and not wish for a repeat in Germany, as the insurgent Bürger-dominated and/or republican regimes seem even more reckless. The advocates of 'liberté, égalité, fraternité' generally come across as perilously naïve or fraudulent, often using altruistic rhetoric to conceal egocentric and vindictive aims. The best cure for a flagging regime is (sometimes considerable) reform, not revolution. Political power should be treated with humility and self-restraint, and the relationship between rulers and subjects should be as intimate as possible. Above all, no part of the social hierarchy should suffer oppression from another, and people should be free to express various opinions, and criticise their government. For Goethe, the Revolution thwarted such principles.

Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-17T17:58:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Douglas Leiteseg.pdf: 1165560 bytes, checksum: ca3e8f35b6eb8961735b9fb79b45b70c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-24T11:35:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Douglas Leiteseg.pdf: 1165560 bytes, checksum: ca3e8f35b6eb8961735b9fb79b45b70c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-24T11:35:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Douglas Leiteseg.pdf: 1165560 bytes, checksum: ca3e8f35b6eb8961735b9fb79b45b70c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Essa dissertação tem o objetivo de estudar a diversidade política dos discursos revoltosos na Sabinada em 1837, na Bahia, demonstrando a existência de grupos políticos específicos que fazem da revolução um espaço para o diálogo de suas diferenças. Para isso, pretende identificar esses pensamentos a partir de sua trajetória própria de formação e do uso de mecanismos expressivos correspondentes, demarcando suas duas principais tendências políticas: o federalismo monárquico e o republicanismo. Pretende ainda fornecer um quadro do debate público no período que cobre as lutas da Independência e se estende até a Regência, situando os sabinos no conjunto das formulações revolucionárias de seu tempo. / Salvador

The representation of Revolution and revolutionaries develops as one of the main themes in Russian literary texts of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It would not be an overstatement to say that most active writers during this time referred to these themes in their works. These themes developed in consort with the historical and political developments occurring within the country. The literature of the twentieth century led to a culmination in the understanding of this complex topic. This thesis will present an analysis of several types of Revolutionary characters and their concepts of what Revolution is and should be. It will present an overview of Revolution's origin and development as a background of early twentieth century Russian literary works. The close reading of the selected twentieth century works will be discussed within the body of this thesis. In particular we will review Alexander Blok's poem The Twelve, Isaac Babel's collection of stories Red Cavalry, Vladimir Zazubrin's The Chip: A Story about a Chip and About Her, and Boris Savinkov's Pale Horse.

Based on the theory of pedagogic discourse developed by Bernstein, this thesis proposes a framework to analyse the relationship between the production of intellectual discourse and the Chinese State. The framework is developed on the basis of the theory of the pedagogic device developed by Bernstein and a comparison of the theoretical approaches adopted by Bernstein, Bourdieu and Foucault. The thesis then identifies three different dominant ideological positions in China between 1949 and 1993. They are, namely, traditional collectivism (before the Cultural Revolution), radical collectivism (during the Cultural Revolution) and regulated individualism (after the Cultural Revolution). The empirical work is a study of the most important education journal, jiaoyu Yanjiu (Educational Research) published by the Central Institute of Educational Research. The journal was created in 1978 by the Institute to support the new education reform initiated as part of the Post Cultural Revolution reform in China. Two major empirical studies are conducted. The first analysis is on the editorials published by the journal. The second analysis is on the papers published by the journal on moral education. Essentially, the paper argues that the reform policy in China introduced by the Chinese Government in 1978 had necessitated a fundamental shift in what constituted the core elements of the dominant ideological positions of the State. This involves certain elements of autonomy introduced to the intellectual field. But the exercise of the newly granted freedom is conditional. This fundamental shift led to a shift in the modality of controlling the intellectual field exercised by the State and has an effect upon the ways in which educational theories are produced and reported in the journal.

No description available.

This study examines the context and nature of British attitudes to China and the Chinese in the period 1928 to 1931, between the initial consolidation of the Nationalist Revolution in China and the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. The relationship between official and popular levels of this discourse provides the dominant theme of this work. It is argued that these years saw the start of a major long-term shift in British attitudes prompted by the Nationalist Revolution and by changes in Britain's official policy towards China. A wide range of official, institutional, and private primary and secondary material relating to Sino-British relations and to British treaty port life in China is examined in order to identify the sources, nature, and influence of British attitudes. The introduction surveys the existing literature on "attitudes" and "images" and outlines the limitations of traditionally textually-based approaches. Part 1 examines metropolitan and treaty port sources of British attitudes and their articulation and relates these to the structure and mores of British society in China, its socialisation of new arrivals, and its relations with the Chinese as hosts, competitors, colleagues, customers and employees. It shows the extent to which hostile and suspicious attitudes towards the Chinese pervaded British popular culture, diplomacy and treaty port society. Part 2 describes the nature and limitations of British attempts at social and institutional reform in the three main sectors of British society: the structures of treaty port life, businesses and missions. Although British residents accepted the need for reform, in practice they were insular and conservative. Furthermore, successful changes were introduced with the intention of protecting the British presence in China rather than changing its character. This work concludes, however, that genuine attempts were made in this period by influential individuals to alter the character of British treaty port life, and treaty port attitudes, and that the long-term repercussions of these efforts underlie improvements in Sino-British cultural relations since 1928. This study is a contribution to the social history of the foreign communities in China, the history of Sino-British relations and the social history of British attitudes to China and the Chinese.

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Ornelas Berriel / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T03:06:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_Rosecler_M.pdf: 896191 bytes, checksum: 070e14036f91c1fae718994c7ea5f250 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa busca um debate acerca da arte de vanguarda a partir da criação da "Fundação Por uma Arte Revolucionária Independente" (FIARI), criada por Leon Trotsky, Diego Rivera e André Breton. O objetivo é apresentar o advento dessa fundação como uma criação vanguardista em sequência às demais vanguardas que marcaram o início do século XX e expor modo como esta se apresenta. Devido aos limites inerentes à pesquisa, diante da amplitude de sua temática, privilegiamos traços estéticos (forma e conteúdo) e algumas leituras aproximativas no teor ideológico que a compõe / Abstract: This research seeks a debate about the avant-garde art from the creation of the "Foundation For an Independent Revolutionary Art" (FIARI), created by Leon Trotsky, Diego Rivera and André Breton. The goal is to present the advent of this foundation as an avantgarde creation in sequence to other vanguards that marked the beginning of the twentieth century and expose how it is presented. Because of the limits inherent in research, given the breadth of its subject, privileged aesthetic traits (form and content) and some readings approximate the ideological content that composes / Mestrado / Teoria e Critica Literaria / Mestra em Teoria e História Literária

Au début du XXe siècle, les notions de révolte et de révolution de l’esprit ont beaucoup préoccupé les jeunes intellectuels français. Dans la première partie de cette étude, nous tenterons d’analyser le contexte historique et idéologique dans lequel Artaud a progressivement construit sa propre conception de la révolution de l’esprit. S’attarder sur les rapports et influences qu’il eut avec le mouvement surréaliste a pour objectif de nous servir de base solide dans la visée d’une analyse un peu plus approfondie de son aspiration de réapprendre à penser autrement. Le recours d’Artaud à l’art, au théâtre, au savoir primitif ou mystique — sur lesquels nous allons nous pencher dans la deuxième partie de notre étude intitulé "fragments de la révolution de l’esprit" — devra avant tout être interprété comme un moyen de se libérer de ce qu’il dénonce comme ses grands "envoûtements" de la culture occidentale. Tant dans ses écrits que dans ses comportements, Artaud montre une forte volonté d’atteindre un nouvel état et de se construire un autre corps. Un corps sans organes ! Une position radicale qui expliquera en grande partie son attitude dans l’internement, le refus de son identité civile, l’aspiration à un retour à l’enfance, le recours aux drogues ou encore sa révolte contre la sexualité. / At the beginning of the twentieth century, the meaning of the spirit’s riot and revolution had concerned enough the french intellectuals. At the first part of this research we will attempt to analyze the historical and ideological background in which Artaud had progressively built his own revolution of spirit. The detailed analysis of the relations and the influences he had with the movement of the surrealism has as an aim to be used as a stable basis of Artaud’s expectations for us to learn thinking in a different way. The relations which Artaud maintained with the art of painting, the art of theatre, the mysticism and the knowledge of the ancient civilisations (we will deal with them at the second part of this research with the title « fragments of the spirit’s revolution ») should be interpret as a mean of release from what he impeaches as incantations of the western culture. Artaud shows a great will to incarnate new experiences and to build a new body. A body without organs. This extreme position gives many explanations to his strange behaviour as a sanitarium’s inmate, his identity’s aversion, his will to become a chid again, his attraction to drugs or even his denial of every sexuality.

Cette recherche, insiste sur les deux périodes post révolutionnaires de relative décentralisation du pouvoir dans ce pays  les période que les presses sont développer ; l'une dans les deux premières années après la victoire de la révolution de 1979 à 1981, et l'autreLa deuxième époque se situe pendant les deux premières années de la présidence de Mohammad Khâtami, vingt ans après l'installation de la République islamique. / This research emphasizes the two periods of revolutionary post on decentralization of power in this country the period that the presses are developed; one in the first two years after the victory of the revolution of 1979 to 1981, and the otherThe second time is during the first two years of the presidency of Mohammad Khatami, twenty years after the installation of the Islamic Republic.

This dissertation examines the influence of Islamic ideology on Iranian Marxists during the 1979 revolution. The purpose of this study is to extricate the influence of Islamic culture, ideology, and terminology on Marxist organizations and on individuals who identified themselves as Marxists in Iran. This is especially of interest since in many ways Marxism and Islam are ideologically in conflict. Were Marxists aware of the influences of Islam in their behavior and ideology? To investigate the irony publications put forth by several Marxist organizations before and after the 1979 revolution were examined. A history of such influence both ideologically and contextually is depicted to demonstrate their political and cultural significance. Through the study of Marxist political organs, theoretical publication and political flyers distributed during and after the revolution, the phenomenon of Marxists converting to an Islamic ideology became clearer. Many Marxist organizations were demonstrably utilizing Islamic political ideology to organize and mobilize masses of Iranians. This study shows a historical precedence of Marxists’ usage of Islam in the political history of Iran dating back to early twentieth-century. Primary and secondary Marxist literature showed that Islam was an inescapable social and political reality for Iranian Marxists. Not only was there a common upbringing but a common enemy fostered provisional collusion between the two. The internalizing the idea of martyrdom—of Shi’a Islam—was a shared belied that united Marxists with Muslins in their attempt to effect sociopolitical change in Iran. Studying Marxist publications shows evidence that many Iranian Marxists were not conscious of using Islamic ethics and terminology since Islamic beliefs are part of the taken-for-granted world of Iranian culture. This contextual belief system, pervasive within the culture and a change of political ideology is what created the conditions for the possibility of Marxists becoming Muslims.