This thesis is a micro-history of the formation of the various identities that shaped the Revolutionary War experiences of one eighteenth-century Vermonter (Thomas Johnson) whose life is documented in a manuscript collection at the Vermont Historical Society. I break down Johnson's identities into three levels: social class, state, and national. My argument is that what it meant to be a provincial gentleman, to be a Vermonter, and to be an American were still being constructed at the time of the Revolution and were therefore in a state of flux. The fluid nature of these identities shows us how America's founding fathers' generation was full of ambiguity and a multiplicity choices. The first section of my thesis analyzes how Johnson's identity as a gentleman officer influenced his experience as a prisoner-of-war. I argue that Johnson's identity as an American patriot and his role as a double-agent can only be understood in relation to his conflicted identity as a provincial gentleman. The second section, on the identity of Vermont in the context of a new American nation, starts with historical background on the formation of Vermont first as part of New Hampshire, then as part of New York, and, finally, in negotiations with the British in Canada to rejoin the British empire, with which Johnson participated. In this section I argue that the shifting identities of colonial and revolutionary Vermont provided a backdrop of fluidity and change, as well as animosities between eastern and western residents, which influenced the identities of individual Vermonters during the war, including Thomas Johnson. For the national level, I look at how European Americans had divided loyalties during the war, with an emphasis on the Revolution as a civil war. My thesis departs from most historiography on the Revolution as a civil war, though, by examining it as a war with gray area - not just black and white, or Patriots versus Loyalists. I use this analysis to examine how Johnson's community was divided and why Johnson's neighbors reacted so diversely to the possibility that he was working with the British. In a last and brief section of my thesis, I look at how Johnson has been memorialized in his town's history, and how doubts of his American loyalty have all but disappeared over time, regardless of the intense debates they provoked during his lifetime. I aim to show that despite the consensus view that has shaped much of the historical memory of the American Revolution, the actual process of revolution was full of disorientation and turbulence.

Dans notre travail de recherche, nous avons essayé d'expliciter quels sont les traits distinctifs d’un anarchiste italien du vingtième siècle. Pour cela, suivant le modèle proposé par Carlo Ginzburg dans Le fromage et les vers, nous avons pris en considération le cas d’un militant libertaire qui a été considéré comme une exception au sein de son mouvement. À ce propos, il nous a paru particulièrement intéressant d'analyser la vie de Camillo Berneri pour le rôle qu’il a tenu au sein de son mouvement car cet intellectuel italien peut être considéré comme un représentant très important du mouvement anarchiste italien car il a milité toute sa vie dans cette organisation politique et il est devenu un martyr de la Révolution libertaire en Espagne. Cependant, nous pouvons aussi considérer Camillo Berneri comme une figure assez originale au sein de son mouvement car ses positions politiques et philosophiques ont suscité souvent plusieurs discussions au sein de son mouvement. Pour mieux comprendre les caractéristiques de cet intellectuel, nous avons pris en considération la représentation que la police et les anarchistes ont donnée de lui, sa formation intellectuelle et la relation entre ses positions politiques et son activité militante. Cette étude nous a permis de comprendre qu’il existe un strict lien entre les images que les autorités italiennes et les anarchistes ont donné de Camillo Berneri, que son parcours intellectuel a été influencé par des auteurs de différentes orientations idéologiques et que son activité politique a été fortement conditionnée par la vision que l’anarchiste avait de son mouvement d’appartenance, au début de son militantisme. Ces observations nous invitent à réfléchir sur la signification historique de l’appartenance au mouvement libertaire et sur la complexité de la définition des traits qui caractérisent un anarchiste. / The aim of the present thesis was to identify the features of an Italian anarchist in the twentieth century. For this reason, following the model proposed by Carlo Ginzburg in The Cheese and the Worms, an analysis is presented of the case of an anarchist militant who was considered an exception within his movement. In this connection, the life of Camillo Berneri was chosen for his role in the anarchistic movement. This Italian intellectual can be considered as a very important example of the anarchist movement, given that he spent all his life in this political organisation and he became a martyr of the libertarian revolution in Spain. Nevertheless, Camillo Berneri could also be taken as a unique specimen inside the anarchist movement, considering that his political and philosophical positions incited several discussions in the heart of his movement. In order to understand the character of this intellectual, Camillo Berneri’s representation both by the police and by the anarchists is analysed in this thesis, as well as his intellectual formation and the relationship between the political positions and militant activity. This study revealed a close connection between the representations of Camillo Berneri given by the police and by the anarchists; additionally, it showed that his intellectual formation was influenced by authors of various ideological orientations; and finally, that his political activity was determined by Camillo Berneri’s own vision of the anarchist movement. These observations led to a reflection on the historical meaning of belonging to the libertarian movement and the complexity of defining the traits that characterize an anarchist.

Kyrgyzstan is the only country in the region that has experienced two violent changes of regime since proclaiming its independence in 1991. The first regime overthrow was in 2005 and the second, which is the subject of this study, occurred in 2010. The actual purpose of the paper was to study the background of 2010 April events in Kyrgyzstan: economical, socio-political situation, and activities of Bakiyev's clan that probably precipitated the grievance in Kyrgyz society and led to mass mobilization. There have been suggestions that a specific phenomenon in the structure of Kyrgyz society called tribalism served as a push for mass mobilization in Talas. Since Kyrgyzstan with its geographical location plays an important role in Central Asia, the events in the country in 2005 as well as in 2010, are of great importance for neighboring countries, mainly for Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. In addition, Kyrgyzstan is in the zone of influence of some foreign powers - China, Russia, the US and the members of the European Union (EU). The dynamics and contradictions of domestic political and social environment that caused mass mobilization in April 2010 will be disclosed in this paper. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The thesis Art during the Revolution in Ukraine 2013-2014 aims to gather art and artefacts created during the Revolution of Dignity. The thesis can be divided in three main parts. The first one is devoted to the history of contemporary Ukrainian art, how it originated and how relationships between art and politics can be identified. The next part is an analysis of the pre- revolutionary art scene, where we first focus on the problem of censorship in 2013 and then look at pre-revolutionary artworks by Ukrainian artists. The last part of the thesis is devoted to the events of the revolution themselves. The thesis is an attempt to collect and analyse artworks and artefacts created from November 2013 to February 2014, as well as giving an analysis of the influence of politics on the art scene in Ukraine.

Este trabalho é um estudo para conhecimento de como evoluiu a aplicação e utilização, na arquitetura e na construção civil, das tecnologias de produção a partir da Revolução Industrial. Especialmente entender por quê , até hoje, as pesquisas, propostas e realizações de arquitetura industrializada são modelos que permanecem isoladas e marginais ao processo de industrialização.Apresenta breves históricos das tecnologias de produção e das propostas e realizações de arquitetura industrializada, o suficiente para se ter uma visão geral e poder entender os conceitos e definições sobre assuntos que fazem parte do universo de referencia da industrialização da construção.Termina com um assunto ainda novo em arquitetura, a Modularidade, mas sem indicar caminhos para a sua aplicação . / This dissertation studies knowledge about production technologies, and how this knowledge evolves into application and utilization in architecture and civil construction, in the historical period after the Industrial Revolution. We try to understand why, to this day, research, proposals and realizations in industrialized architecture are models that stay apart from the industrial process. We follow short reports about production technologies and about the proposals, experiences and construction in industrialized architecture, in order to understand the concepts and definitions in industrialized construction. The last chapter shows a new issue in architecture, Modularity.

Thesis advisor: Cynthia Lyerly / My dissertation examines the social, cultural, and political lives of women in the early Republic through an analysis of the first women's literary circle formed in the United States after the Revolution, the Boston Gleaning Circle. The Gleaners, as the women referred to themselves, instead of engaging primarily in charitable and religious work, which was the focus of other women's groups, concentrated on their own intellectual improvement. The early Republican era witnessed the first sustained interest in women's education in North America and the Gleaners saw women as uniquely blessed by the Revolution and therefore duty-bound to improve their minds and influence their society. My study builds on, and challenges, the historiography of women in the early Republic by looking at writings from a group of unmarried women whose lives did not fit the ideal of "republican motherhood," but who still considered themselves patriotic Americans. The Gleaners believed that the legacy of the American Revolution left them, as young women, a crucial role in American public life. Five of the Gleaners had a father who was a Son of Liberty and participated in the Boston Tea Party. Their inherited legacy of patriotism and politics permeated the lives of these young women. Many historians argue that the Revolution brought few gains for women, but the Gleaners demonstrate that for these young Bostonians, the ideas of the Revolution impacted them. Making intellectual contributions was not easy, however, and the young women were constantly anxious about their Circle's place in society. By the 1820s, the opportunities that the Revolution brought women had been closed. Prescriptive literature now touted a cult of True Womanhood told women that they were to be selfless, pious, and submissive. These ideas influenced the Gleaners and by the 1820s they no longer met for their literary pursuits, but for charitable purposes. No place in society remained for women in a self-improvement society. Instead, women had to work to improve others, demonstrating the limited opportunities for women in the antebellum period. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Thesis advisor: Richard Cobb-Stevens / The right of revolution in the social contract theories of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke is a curious topic. This paper discusses the differences and similarities between the two philosophers’ discussions of this topic. It is argued that Hobbes and Locke differ most drastically on the notion of who the sovereign is. While Hobbes prefers to establish the sovereign as a demigod, Locke understands the sovereign as a mortal, and thus fallible, man. It is because of this distinction that Hobbes and Locke disagree on the notion of the right of revolution. Furthermore, the American Founding Fathers, including James Madison and Thomas Jefferson, inherited Locke’s perspective on this matter when arguing for the independence of the colonies. Finally, it is the conclusion of this paper that this notion of the right of revolution continues today, when observing the numerous political revolutions around the world. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: Philosophy.

Thesis advisor: Gerald Easter / This is a study of education policy and practice in Russia and the Soviet Union during periods of revolutionary social and political change. It begins with the late tsarist era and moves through the Soviet era into the modern Russia state, a period of time spanning from the late 19th century through to the present period of educational reform. The modern educational system of Russia is still adapting to the post-Soviet world in many ways. Modern Russia inherited a confusing and contradictory educational tradition marked by high standards of learning and achievement along with ineffective traditions of student uniformity and standardization. The attempt at democratization, decentralization, and individualization seen in the immediate post-Soviet period was derailed by an absence of regional or local administrative infrastructure and a deep and scarring economic crisis. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: Political Science.

Thesis advisor: Sylvia Sellers-García / Between 1812-1829, the Spanish American colonies waged a war of independence against the Spanish crown. In Northern South America, this movement was spearheaded by the Enlightenment-educated Simón Bolívar, who understood that expelling the Spaniards necessitated winning widespread support from Spanish America's many distinct interest groups. Bolívar capitalized on his leadership and love for public speaking to wage a war of words against the Spanish that framed the actual revolution in such a way as to give it meaning. This campaign featured a number of varied rhetorical devices; each device intended in a unique way to appeal to its unique audience. By appealing to South America's many interest groups, Bolívar united South Americans under the common banner of independence and provided justification for the acts of violence that revolution necessitated. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2015. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: History.

Thesis advisor: Richard Kearney / This work addresses an important phenomenon in the contemporary philosophy of narrative and coins it as a term. Trigger-narratives denote myth-like stories that ignite certain mass social participation. Juxtapose to five well-established philosophical concepts of narrative this work demonstrates that while trigger-narratives share formal characteristics with all, they fail to be meaningfully and comprehensively subsumed under any. I use three protagonists as comparative case studies to illustrate trigger-narratives: Rosa Parks (US), Mouhammed Bouazizi (Tunisia) and Daphne Leef (Israel). The sociopolitical reaction to trigger-narratives exceeds them in content and in size. Yet, these protagonists continue to serve as catalysts and perennial symbols of the transformative events that follow their protesting acts. Trigger-narratives are not lived-narratives. They do not disclose what Arendt’s refers to as a unique who or MacIntyre’s unity of a human life. They do not answer the ownmost rhythm of Heidegger’s Being-toward-death or operate like Ricoeur’s or Kearney’s concepts of testimony. The protagonist perspective is rarely heard or seriously considered. Unlike historical narratives trigger-narratives are not the product of research. They form quickly and in their aftermath they resist change. Trigger-narrative protagonists draw their power from being portrayed as context-less, weak and uncalculated while historical leaders draw power from descriptions of authority, skill, and deliberation. Trigger-narratives have the effect and/or aspiration of metanarratives. They aim at a new order. However, they spring from articulated singular accounts rather than form an all-encompassing tacit sub-current narrative. Adding a sixth sociological concept of narrative I refer to issue-narratives. Trigger-narratives congeal around an issue. But they instill a far greater expectation for change. I conclude that: 1. trigger narratives are closest to fiction 2. They operate through a condensation of Ricoeur’s mimetic cycle configuring and refiguring reality in a rapid rotation that ossifies them into a mobilizing form, and that 3. Interpreting trigger-narratives through the perspective of world-creating myths illuminates many of their typical characteristics in a unifying, comprehensive manner. The study points to two new research directions: 1. trigger-narratives’ aftermath operations (specifically rituals and newly erected institutions).2. Further interdisciplinary cooperation between contemporary political philosophy of narrative and the sociological methodology of frame-analysis. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Philosophy.