Abstract A matter of fact that modern Revolution Military Affairs (RMA) results from the rapid development of ability of computer calculation and new development of information revolution, navigation satellite systems, network for command, control, communication, computer, intelligence, sensor, reconnaissance (C4ISR), Precision-guided munition with basis of information technology society. It also means that those developments as mentioned above will be one of the most important key points for controlling the advantage of information technology society to get the victory in the battlefield in next century. Moreover, it is also the key point for ARMY to develop military forces. When accurate guiding weapons develop, amounts of computer-controlling and electronic systems are instead of manpower, it means that Total War, like Consumptive War and Continuative War are abdicated, and C4ISR will become the main fighting concept in the future. This is a kind of fighting style to take ¡§Benumbing War¡¨ as the fighting principle, and take ¡§Home-thrust Strike¡¨ and ¡§Simultaneous Strike¡¨ to execute the so-called ¡§Surgical Strike¡¨ to benumb the enemies rapidly and correctly and make them lose their ability and opportunity to fight back, finally the volition of the enemies will be demoralized to lose the wars soon. RMA not only subverts the fighting principles set from 17th and 18th century, but also makes sure the unshakable position for modern RMA indirectly. Moreover, it will lead the military discourses and profound influences in the next ten to twenty years. The findings from the research are as followed: 1. The definition for traditional battlefield is changed. 2. There is no difference between the usual time and the war time. 3. Information technology fighters control the battlefields. 4. To centralize and strike the fighting center of the enemies. 5. To cut down the command hierarchies for armed forces. Members of ARMY should give up egoism and think about partnership among related organizations with unselfishness again while being in such a rapidly aggressive period. Keywords: Revolution Military Affairs (RMA), ARMY, Total War, Battle doctrine

To survive in this globalized economic era, enterprises must carry on the effective revolution constantly to maintain its competency. Generally, there will have tremendous changes among manpower, institutional framework and personnel career management, while the organizational revolution takes place. To the members of the organization, the organizational revolution means they have to face the uncertainty of future. The moral condition of the members would definitely be affected by the reaction of those tremendous changes. Also, the members will face the increasing of workload and pressure, downcast efficiency, and their loyalty collapse. In other words, member's perceptions and attitude to the organizational revolution are usually the key point whether the organizational revolution will be success or not. It¡¦s also a topic that is worth studying in organizational revolution course. Recently, ROC army implemented some programs of organizational revolution, trying to establish a modern troop-small quantity, high quality and strong competency. However, the success of organizational revolution was never easy to obtain. The previous principal of National Defense University, Gen. Shuai Hua-min, has pointed out the program of organizational revolution was lack of theory, instruction and system. Those negative affections will finally appear in the near future. The purpose of this research is trying to investigate the main factor of uncertainty sense while the members facing the coming of organizational revolution. Also, this research is trying to examine whether the anxious, working pressure and well-being will affect on the job involvement, and its meaning of management. The questionnaire survey was implemented for this research. 1000 questionnaires were sent out, and 730 are valid. Through statistical analysis (factor, relation, regression) and SEM (Structural Equation Modeling) analysis, we conclude the research result as follows: The uncertainty of organizational revolution has a positive affection on working pressure and anxious, but it has no obvious affection on job involvement. The working pressure has a positive affection on anxious, but it has no obvious affection on well-being. The anxious has a negative affection on job involvement and well-being. The well-being has a positive affection on job involvement.

Zugl.: München, Univ., Diss., 2009

My dissertation, Perspectives of the Mexican Revolution from the exile: the disillusionment of the intellectuals in Mexican-American narratives (1926-1935), studies the migration from Mexico to the United States during the Mexican Revolution of 1910 and the literary production of the Mexican intellectuals in exile who build a transnational imaginary of national identity and interpretations of nationalism. I argue that the transnational experience of the Mexican Revolution influences the political discourse that questions the integration of the immigrant community in the reconstruction project of post-revolutionary Mexico, as reflected in the novels Las aventuras de don Chipote (1928) by Daniel Venegas, El sol de Texas (1926) by Conrado Espinoza and La patria perdida (1935) by Teodoro Torres. My work on these authors and their texts, all of them understudied and written in Spanish, focuses on the study of the parallels between the literary production during the Revolution in Mexico and also in the United States, pointing at a decisive moment where the transnational impact of the Revolution influences the incorporation of the immigrant and peasant community as citizens of Mexico or the United States. My dissertation consists of an introduction and four chapters. In the introduction, I present the theoretical framework that analyzes the literary production in both Mexico and the United States during this time period. Chapter 1 presents a historical context that explains the inevitable impact of the Mexican Revolution on the U.S.-Mexico border. Chapter 2 shows the perspective of Daniel Venegas in Las aventuras de don Chipote (1928) which presents a protest against the abuse of the immigrant communities and questions the success of the immigrant in the United States. Chapter 3 presents the perspective of Conrado Espinoza in El sol de Texas (1926) portraying the idea that the national imaginary can only be constructed in the nation and not in exile. Chapter 4 presents the perspective of Teodoro Torres in La patria perdida (1935) where the idea of the repatriation project is contested, and citizenship in the United States is favored. The dissertation intends to study two contrasting perspectives on the immigrant communities and their role in the reconstruction of post-revolutionary Mexico or in the booming U.S. economy. / text

Through a qualitative analysis of messages posted on the micro-blogging application, Twitter, and qualitative research interviews with people from Egypt and the United States who were active on Twitter during the eighteen day Egyptian Revolution in 2011, this study considers why Dr. Theda Skocpol’s theory of revolution proffered in States and Social Revolutions (1979) does not work in the case of the Egyptian Revolution. Skocpol asserts that a weakening of the state vis-à-vis a dominant class within the state or other states is a necessary precondition for revolution. By examining Twitter as a mechanism through which on-the-ground activists in Egypt were able to circumvent repressive state structures and “jump-scales” to a transnational configuration of resistance, this thesis asserts that emergent technologies complicate Skocpol’s assertion that states must be weakened politically and financially prior to the execution of a successful social revolution. / text

 This narrative study examines the consequence of the Cultural Revolution experience for the 1966-1976 primary school students, who are labeled as Little Red Guards. They retrospectively identify both gains and losses from their schooling experience during the Cultural Revolution, which contrasts with the traditional victim image of the Red Guard generation. This study focuses on the coexistence of their positive and negative voices, specifically asking how are the positive and negative voices formed in the narratives of the former Little Red Guards, and what are the perceived gains and losses over time. The field work was conducted in Beijing in 2009 and 2010. Data was collected through oral histories and analyzed relying on the method of personal narrative analysis. Forty-nine informants participated, and twenty-six cases were selected as major data sources. Given the range in participants’ ages, selected cases are classified into three groups: 1966 senior primary school students (Group-A), 1966 junior primary school students (Group-B), and students who enrolled in primary school in the 1970s (Group-C). Furthermore, due to their subjective voices, the narratives are also divided into four sub-categories: positive, negative, neither (neither-positive-nor-negative) and both (both-positive-and-negative) voices. The oral data is presented with impressive moments, events, and episodes (at the factual level), and their reflections and self-generalizations (at the interpretative level). Data analysis suggests that the positive and/or negative voices are closely linked with students’ past position in school, which involved three roles: activists, students with a bad label, and ordinary participants. The activists basically hold positive points due to their student leader experiences as well as the beneficial social practices they engaged in. The labeled students tend to put forward totally negative accounts because of excluded experiences, characterized by alienation, discriminations, and frustrations. The ordinary participants, on one hand, assign negative comments to the meaningless social practices they participated; on the other hand, also highlight untended positive consequences for their later life. The findings reveal two determining themes within the diverse narratives: involvements in the political activities and participation in social practice. The two themes indicate two significantly hidden tissues: ideological awareness (IA) and practical awareness (PA).Working as the internalized predisposition, IA and PA expose the embodied history of the former Little Red Guards and a historically embedded process of their self-construction. Concerning the revolutionary context of the 1966-1976 education reform, this study combines and integrates IA and PA as constituting a revolutionary habitus (RH).The positive accounts relating to IA and PA display an elaborative meaning of RH; whereas the negative narratives concerning IA and PA demonstrate the restrictive meaning of RH. Therefore, the potential gains lie in the attainment of strong confident leadership and pragmatic social practice; while the losses refer to the formation of a pervasive sensitivity to political issues and a destructive recognition of the practical-oriented education. The finding of RH also stimulates more reflective thinking about the legacy of the 1966-1976 radical education reform, from the perspective of former Little Red Guards. / published_or_final_version / Education / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

The automotive industry is conservative and doesn’t take enough responsibility in emerging markets. Thus, countries such asChina and India have experienced huge problems with pollution as they have increased their living standards and enteredthe western consumption society. In these booming economies there are still people who live their lives according to oldcustoms, in small sustainable societies. It is also they who suffer most from the ongoing urbanization. Hence the automotiveindustry should rather adapt to their cultures than let these people adjust to the consumption society.Now, imagine a third industrial revolution where sustainable energy and manufacturing set the standards for production.Africa is then in the forefront when it comes to alternative and sustainable solutions. Maasaica is a concept from BMW whichis locally built in Serengeti using 3D printing technology, degradable materials and traditional handcraft.

The American Revolution brought with it a crisis of identification. The political divisions that fragmented American society did not distinguish adherents of the two sides in any outward way. Yet the new American governments had to identify their citizens; potential citizens themselves had to choose and prove their identities; and both sides of the war had to distinguish friend from foe. Subordinated groups who were notionally excluded from but deeply affected by the Revolutionary contest found in the same crisis new opportunity to seize control over their own identities. Those who claimed mastership over these groups struggled to maintain control amid civil war and revolution. / History

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This dissertation examines the ways that slaves and free blacks participated in and shaped the Bourbon Reforms in New Spain (Mexico and Central America) during the period of 1750-1808. By framing the Bourbon Reforms in this part of the Americas through an Atlantic World perspective, centered on the importance of slavery to European empire-building efforts in the eighteenth century, this dissertation argues that the politics of difference was vital to these imperial ambitions even in places where the slave population was relatively small. In the context of the slave and free black populations, the Spanish Empire determined its politics of difference on prejudices against blacks informed by skin color. Slaves and free blacks, nonetheless, actively participated in Bourbon imperial projects through litigation, forcing negotiations by escaping slavery, giving service in the militias defending the frontiers, borderlands, and imperial cities, and forging important kinship ties that shaped their identities and social networks that they used to negotiate their position in the imperial order. I argue that a pivotal moment when racism exacerbated the relationships of slaves and free blacks with the Crown was the Haitian Revolution. Although racist attitudes were already present against blacks, the Haitian Revolution demonstrated that slaves could eradicate slavery and the colonial order associated. The impact of this revolution was profound and even affected regions of the Americas that had small slave populations.