本論文之目的，即在採「民族國家建設」、「民族國家整合」的觀點，研究中山先生「民族國家論」的基本意涵，並根據此一理論意涵，探計和比較處理民族國家建設與整合問題的不同策咯以及提出此一理論的特殊之意義與重要功能。 　　本論文計分六章，僅能論文結構及其內容要點簡述如下： 　　第一章：諸論 　　第二章：為了確定中山先生民族國家論的歷史與理論背景，首先歸納出民族主義與民族國家的理論分析。 　　第三章：民族國家的建設，是時代潮流使然。我們從世界史眼光看來，建設民族國家是現代民族主義所要追求的目標。而致力於提高民族的同質性，乃是建設民族國家的重要策略。在本章中將進一步探計民族國家建設策略與民族國家整合策略。 　　第四章：中山先生的民族主義積極目的在建設「民族國家」，所以「民族國家論」不僅是其民族主義的理論核心，因此，在本章中將探討中山先生民族國家建設思想的系統分析。 　　第五章：民族國家整合仍是各國追求的目標，而且經由有效途徑，才有可能在最短的時間內，匯集國內最充足的人力資源，逐漸接近現代化的總目標，但此處所面臨的問題是，甚麼才是解決整合問題約有效途經？吾人在本章中，將特別深計中山先生民族國家整合思想的系統分析。 　　第六章：詰論。對於本論文之內容做一總結，並提出中山先生「民族國家論」的特殊之意義與重要功能。

<p>In the paper different views on the question of world government and world governance are presented. I take the position that only a <em>democratic</em> world government is a desirable political goal, as it is only possible to promote individual autonomy consequently solving global problems. While accepting that there could be different answers to this condition, I analyze three approaches to the subject by Tannajo, Nielsen and Held and argue that shared sovereignty within a world federation defined by a democratic global constitution is a necessary condtion to call a world order a democratic one.</p>

Anfang des Jahres 2008 erkannte die Bundesrepublik Deutschland den Kosovo als souveränen Staat an, während sich die Europäische Union mit dieser Entscheidung zurückhielt. Die Politikwissenschaftlerin Franziska Krämer untersucht in ihrer Arbeit „Die Politik Deutschlands in der Kosovofrage“ das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen eigenständiger deutscher und europäischer Außenpolitik. Am Beispiel des Kosovo wird die Problematik der Verflechtung von deutschen und europäischen Politikebenen diskutiert. Die Autorin kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die deutsche Kosovopolitik als Beispiel einer neuen deutschen Außenpolitik und nicht als der Beginn einer Europäisierung deutscher Außenpolitik zu sehen ist.

In the paper different views on the question of world government and world governance are presented. I take the position that only a democratic world government is a desirable political goal, as it is only possible to promote individual autonomy consequently solving global problems. While accepting that there could be different answers to this condition, I analyze three approaches to the subject by Tannajo, Nielsen and Held and argue that shared sovereignty within a world federation defined by a democratic global constitution is a necessary condtion to call a world order a democratic one.

This thesis examines the principle of national self-determination as it pertained to the Kurdish population of the Middle East after the First World War and the legacy that it has left behind. The end of the War was characterized by a shift from empires to the European state system. This transition necessitated the redrawing of political borders. As victors of the War, Britain, France, Italy, and the United States of America had the power to influence the future of the continent in terms of creating nation-states. While nation-states were created in Europe, a mandate system was implemented in the Middle East. The Great Powers divided the Middle East into British and French spheres of influence. In so doing, the Kurds were left without a state. This research provides a case study for the Kurds at the close of the First World War and examines the obstacles they face today as the struggle for autonomy continues.

ABSTRACT FROM GLOBALIZATION TO EMPIRE: A CRITICAL EVALUATION OF DOMINANT META-NARRATIVES Mercan, A. Serkan M. S., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Galip L. Yalman September 2007, 172 pages &ldquo / Globalization&rdquo / and &ldquo / empire&rdquo / are the dominant meta-narratives of 1990s and 2000s successively. The liberal perception/presentation of the former finds its expression in the claims of trans-(supra)-nationalization. In addition, the theoretical and pejorative usages of the latter, which has flourished since 9/11 attacks to the World Trade Center in New York are also based on similar claims of trans-(supra)-nationalization. However, these claims seem not convincing in a world in which nation-states secure their central role in the organization of capitalist social relations. In this thesis, those meta-narratives will be critically evaluated by also taking into account the role of the US in world capitalist system. Such a critical outlook is essential for highlighting the persistence of capital relation with its contradictory nature and for developing some tentative ideas about the ways in which the organization/management of contemporary world capitalism as a multiple state system should be analyzed. Keywords: Globalization, empire, nation-state, capital relation, trans-(supra)-nationalization

This thesis examines the development of a national identity and the ideology of nationalism, and the formation of nation-state in Iraq under the British Mandate from 1920 to 1932. The study focuses on the influences of the early Arab nationalist movements during the last decades of the Ottoman Empire and under the British Mandate over Iraqi nationalism and nation-state process. The study specifically examines the Mosul question and its effects on the formation of the territorial unity of the state in Iraq. The study also explores the successive civil administration during Mandate period while making Iraq a &ldquo / nation-state&rdquo / by taking actions concerning the politics, social structure, the government, army and economy. The British Mandate period in Iraq witnessed many important developments such as the drawing of Iraq&rsquo / s boundaries and the shaping of the foundations of the state structure. These developments continue to affect the country in a variety of ways even today. In the final part of the thesis, it is pointed out that understanding some of the policies and strategies implemented in Iraq by the British can help to make meaningful interpretations of current affairs in this country.

<p>The environment became an established issue on the international political agenda after World War 2. How to preserve natural resources became an issue that concerned several powerful participants, affected by changed conditions in the environmental legislation. This paper is a study of the growing environmental work within the multinational Swedish corporations Boliden, IKEA and SAS and how it was affected by the globalization. The material studied is environmentally related information produced by the companies and also interviews with the Environmental Managers. The information provided has been analyzed and compared with well-known opinions of globalization, trying to find out how the process of globalization has affected the handling of environmental work within the companies. The conclusion is the globalization brings several disadvantages, but it also results in an international legislation and co-operation between different participants, something that does have a positive effect on the environment.</p>

How does a cadastre, one of the modern state's most omnipresent and yet self-effacing instruments of power over territory and people, become national? How are the processes of nation-state formation and the rise of modern scientific expertise connected to the nationalization of a cadastre? This dissertation tackles both questions by studying the nationalization of the French cadastre between 1763 and 1807. This is one of the most influential national cadastres for it became the blueprint followed by many emerging nation-states in Europe and beyond. The literature has explained its nationalization as the outcome of straightforward state centralization. This dissertation, on the contrary, argues that the shift from local cadastres to a national cadastre was the result of a dual uniformization process: political (the spread of a discourse of administrative uniformity) and scientific (the emergence of professional land surveyors). To advance this argument, the dissertation uses historical methods and analyzes unstudied documentation from five archives. Contrary to the available literature, it finds that cadastral nationalization faced royal intendants' resistance (conventionally portrayed as hardcore state centralizers) and benefited from citizens' enthusiastic input (traditionally presented as opponents to projects of territorial nationalization). Furthermore, it finds that cadastral nationalization was implausible without the transformation of land surveying from a local manual art into a national scientific profession: the engineer-geographer. This modern expert produced standardized cadastral facts for the rising nation-state. Hence, the nationalization of the cadastre helped to reconcile the political ideal of revolutionary egalitarianism with the scientific practice of disciplinary impartiality. The approval of the national cadastre in 1807 marked the successful intersection of political and scientific uniformization. Due to the French cadastre' international influence, this dissertation makes three distinct and larger contributions. First, it brings to the forefront administrative uniformization as an understudied process of nation-state building. Second, it provides a new framework to understand how changes in bodily practices and instruments can enable the emergence of a modern scientific profession. And third it emphasizes that nation-state formation relies not only on the production of standardized individuals (citizens), but also the creation of a standardized "national nature," a lesser-studied phenomenon. / Sociology

In the midst of a violent decade where the Mexican government used force to suppress insurgent and student unrest, the Indian population avoided such a response by operating within official government parameters. The 1975 First National Congress of Indigenous Peoples of Mexico, though convened by the federal government, gave Indians an opportunity to claim a role in the complex political process of formulating a new version of national Indian policy while demanding self-determination. Through the congress, indigenous groups attempted to take the lead in shaping national programs to their needs and interests rather than merely responding to government initiatives. The congress marked a fundamental change in post-revolutionary politics, the most important restructuring and recasting of the relationship between local and regional indigenous associations and the federal government since the 1930s. Its history provides an important context for understanding more recent political disputes about indigenous autonomy and citizenship, especially in the aftermath of the Zapatista (EZLN) revolt in 1994. The 1975 Congress marked a watershed as it allowed for the advent of independent Indian organizations and proved to be momentous in the negotiation of political autonomy between indigenous groups and government officials.