Thesis (Ph.D.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 257-273). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-147). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Orientador: Roberto Akira Goto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T16:45:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrade_FlavioRovanide_D.pdf: 1479213 bytes, checksum: a9b8e3a2880adf464ccfebb3059ad0b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta tese tem por objeto o pensamento de Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), naquilo que se refere às relações entre educação e totalitarismo constantes em sua obra, tendo como ponto de partida o ensaio "A crise na educação", de 1958. Inicia-se esclarecendo que o trato de Arendt sobre assuntos políticos se faz sob o assombro do fenômeno totalitário, que segundo a autora explodiu nossas categorias do pensamento político e nossos padrões de julgamento moral. Demonstra que suas análises não se baseiam em nenhuma metodologia, mas consiste num impulso fenomenológico com vistas a compreender os principais eventos do mundo moderno, pensando sem arrimos, por meio de uma análise conceitual transmitida na forma de narrativa. Posteriormente, passa-se à análise das teses contidas em "A crise na educação", crise caracterizada pelo rebaixamento dos níveis escolares, após a aplicação servil e indiscriminada de pressupostos teóricos fundamentados na progressive education; utiliza-se como aporte conceitual parte significativa da obra da autora. Conclui-se, do pensamento de Arendt, que a crise da autoridade e da tradição está na base da crise educacional, pois a educação, enquanto instância pré-política, não pode prescindir de ambas, mas caminha em um mundo que não mais está ordenado pela autoridade nem coeso pela tradição, e, sobretudo, porque a recusa dos adultos em exercer a autoridade sobre as crianças equivale a eles não assumirem a responsabilidade pelas crianças e pelo mundo, embora elas precisem de sua orientação até que possam se inserir no mundo comum, onde deverão exercer sua liberdade. Depois, busca-se analisar a natureza do totalitarismo em Hannah Arendt, com a finalidade de trazer à luz as principais características totalitárias das quais se podem extrair consequências para o mundo não totalitário, destacando-se a limitação da liberdade e da espontaneidade, a solidão organizada, a superfluidade, a ideologia e a logicidade, questões que Arendt analisa pela ótica da perda do mundo e do senso comuns. Finalmente, busca-se situar o problema específico da educação no conjunto das preocupações de Hannah Arendt com o fenômeno totalitário, concluindo-se que há conexões textuais e conceituais, pois a crise educacional local reflete a crise geral à medida que é, pela recusa da autoridade e geração do conformismo, uma atitude frente ao novo no sentido de negar-lhe o direito de no mundo se firmar. / Abstract: This thesis has as its object the thought of Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), concerning the relations between education and totalitarianism that appear in her work, having as its starting point the essay "The crisis in education", 1958. It begins by explaining that Arendt's approach on political affairs is under the amazement of the totalitarian phenomenon, which according to the author burst our categories of political thought and our standards of moral judgment. It shows that her analyzes are not based on any methodology, but it consists on a phenomenological impulse in order to understand the key events of the modern world, thinking without considering, based on a conceptual analysis transmitted in a narrative form. Subsequently, it focus on the analysis of the theses presented in "The crisis in education", crisis characterized by the lowering of school levels, after the servile and indiscriminate application of theoretical assumptions based on progressive education; using as framework a significant part of her work. It is concluded, considering the thought of Arendt, that the crisis of authority and tradition is the basis of educational crisis, since education, being a pre-political instance, cannot be separated from both, but it walks into a world that is neither ordered by the authority nor cohesive by tradition, and, above all, because adult's refusal of exercising their authority on children is equivalent to their not being responsible for children and the world, although they need their guidance until they can be inserted in common world, where they should exercise their freedom. Then, it tries to analyze the nature of totalitarianism in Hannah Arendt's though, with the purpose of enlightening the main characteristics of totalitarian from which consequences for a non-totalitarian world can be extracted, highlighting the limitation of freedom and spontaneity, the organized loneliness, the superfluity, ideology and the logicality, issues that Arendt analyzes from the perspective of the loss of world and common senses. Finally, it seeks to locate the specific problem of education among the concerns of Hannah Arendt with the totalitarian phenomenon, concluding that there are textual and conceptual connections, because the local educational crisis reflects the general crisis as it is, by the refusal of authority and the generation of conformism, an attitude toward the new to deny you the right to grow and establish yourself in the world. / Doutorado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Mestre em Educação

In recent years, we have witnessed a strong global resistance to the acceptance of gender and sexuality rights. This resistance is theorized to be driven by a clash between pro-liberal international forces and traditionalist local political powers, suggesting a reverse trend from the previously anticipated liberal progression. However, existing literature often overlooks the divergent dynamics between various issues by relying on single-issue analyses. This dissertation aims to bridge this gap by examining the multifaceted nature of this resistance, using the case study of Russia, which has become a key sponsor of anti-gender policies on the global stage. By providing a comprehensive understanding of the broader socio-political landscape of this process, I suggest a nuance to the existing explanation for global political dynamics.The central concept of this dissertation, which I have named strategic traditionalism, explains how political state actors can opportunistically promote traditionalist views on certain issues while avoiding others that do not advance their political interests. I argue that a nation’s stance on gender and sexuality does not necessarily align with purely liberal or illiberal trends but is rather relational and dependent on political alliances and opportunity structures. I develop this argument through three interrelated studies. In the first chapter, I investigate why the Russian state promotes strategic traditionalism and explain how it relates to anti-Western ideology. Using the logic of a natural experiment in media analysis, I zoom in on the state's role in shaping media discourse on homosexuality and abortion. I analyze the changes in narratives before and after a prominent Russian news agency underwent an unexpected state takeover. I find that pre-takeover, both issues were framed as traditional values versus human rights conflicts. After the takeover, the narrative shifted to a competition between Russia and the West, with Russia portrayed as defending against Western elites using "LGBT ideology" for global dominance, while the abortion discourse remained unchanged. This study highlights the strategic reinforcement of illiberal position on one topic but maintaining neutrality on others to preserve its hegemony, rather than embracing universally traditional or religious views on both topics. This enhances our understanding of how opposing homosexuality aligns with a state's global and domestic interests. The second study examines the extent to which the public adopts state-sponsored strategic traditionalism by exploring public opinion. Globally, public opinion on homosexuality and abortion tends to correlate, but this is not the case in Russia. Quantitative analysis of a nationally representative public opinion survey reveals that negative attitudes towards homosexuality in Russia are associated with traditional values, religiosity, and anti-Western sentiments. However, negative attitudes towards abortion are linked to religiosity but not to traditional values or anti-Western sentiments, suggesting that the public opinion aligns with the state sponsored ideology. Qualitative findings provide an important nuance, indicating that support for the state’s stance might be influenced by the non-democratic nature of public-state relationships in Russia. Respondents understand and can reiterate the state’s logic, assuming that this conformity is non-negotiable in an authoritarian context. However, when discussing their views on sexuality and gender, they distinguish between public and private spheres. While some respondents support the actions framed in terms of combating foreign influence and defending Russian interests in the global sphere, they reject state intervention in the private sphere, which includes same-sex relations and abortion. Thus, this chapter demonstrates that the state’s propaganda had a significant effect on public opinion, showing that framing in terms of strategic traditionalism was effective but deeper probing reveals limits to this adaptation, highlighting the boundaries within which the state operates. This explains the specific form that state action took, distinguishing strategic traditionalism in Russia from what traditionalist pushback, suggested by the literature so far. Finally, I delve into the connection between two core elements of the Russian state’s anti-Western politics: political homophobia, as a part of strategic traditionalism, and anti-Ukrainian campaign. Although the link between two might not be immediately obvious for the outside viewers, the Russian state framed both anti-LGBT measures and the Ukrainian conflict as strategies to counter perceived Western influence while upholding "traditional values" and national sovereignty. Here, I establish the correlation between anti-LGBT and anti-Ukrainian sentiments in Russian public opinion, analyzing the period before and after the introduction of anti-LGBT+ legislation and the onset of the Russian aggression against Ukraine. The results show no statistically significant correlation between attitudes toward Ukraine and homosexuality in 2010. However, in 2016, following the anti-gay law and Crimea’s annexation, anti-gay views and anti-Ukrainian sentiments became positively correlated. This suggests that the Russian public has embraced a multifaceted anti-Western ideology promoted by the political leadership.

Thesis (DPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Bibliography. Also available via the Internet.

Thesis (DPhil (Philosophy))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / The purpose of this thesis twofold: first, to develop an account of modernity as a “loss of the world” which also entails the “death” of the human as a meaningful philosophical, political or moral category, and second, to explore the possibility of recovering a sense of the world in us and with it, a sense of what it means to be human. This argument is developed by way of a sustained engagement with the work of Friedrich Nietzsche and Hannah Arendt, whose analogous critiques of modernity centre on the problem of the connection between humanity and worldliness. My argument consists of three parts, each of which spans two chapters. Part one of the thesis sets out the most important aspects of Nietzsche’s and Arendt’s respective critiques of modernity. Chapter one focuses on modernity as a rupture of a philosophical, political and religious tradition within which existence in the world could be experienced as unquestionably meaningful. Following arguments developed by Nietzsche and Arendt, chapter two establishes that the loss of this tradition results in a general crisis of meaning, evaluation and authority that can be designated as “modern nihilism”. The second part of the thesis deals with what may be called the “anthropological grounds” of the critique of modernity developed in part one. To this end, chapter three focuses on Nietzsche’s portrayal of the human as “the as-yet undetermined animal” who is neither the manifestation of a subjective essence nor the product of his own hands, but who only exists in the unresolved tension between indeterminacy and determination. This is followed in chapter four by an inquiry into Arendt’s conception of “the human condition”, which in turn points to the conditionality of being human. What is clearly demonstrated in both cases is that, in so far as the predicament of modernity is incarnate in modern human beings themselves, any attempt at overcoming this predicament would somehow have to involve re-thinking or transcending our present-day humanity. The third part of the thesis examines the way in which the reconceptualisation of the human as advocated by Nietzsche and Arendt transforms our understanding of “world”. The more specific aim here is to demonstrate that both thinkers conceive of a reconciliation between self and world as a form of redemption. In chapter five I explore their respective attempts to resurrect the capacity for judgement in the aftermath of the death of God as the first step in this redemptive project, before turning to a more in-depth inquiry into the “soteriology” at work in Nietzsche’s and Arendt’s thinking in chapter six. This inquiry ultimately makes clear that there is a conflict between the Nietzschean conception of redemption as amor fati (love of fate) and Arendt’s notion of redemption as amor mundi (love of the world). I conclude the thesis by arguing that what is at stake here are two conflicting notions of reconciliation: a worldly – or political – notion of reconciliation (Arendt), and a much more radical, philosophical notion of reconciliation (Nietzsche), which ultimately does away with any boundary between self and world. However, my final conclusion is not that we face an inevitable choice between these two alternatives, but rather that the struggle between these two dispositions is necessary for an understanding of what it means to be human as well as for the world in which our humanity is formed.

Orientador: Marcos Aurelio Pereira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T10:06:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fortes_FabiodaSilva_D.pdf: 2771238 bytes, checksum: 7a06bb102f796bda45206df1abd22a5e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Em nossa tese, examinamos os dois livros finais (XVII e XVIII) das Institutiones grammaticae de Prisciano (séc. VI), intitulados De constructione, a partir de dois eixos fundamentais: (1) a maneira pela qual os temas gramaticais desenvolvidos por Prisciano na constituição de sua "sintaxe" se relacionam com os temas das artes grammaticae dos séculos III, IV e V; 2) as relações textuais e teóricas entre o De constructione e o seu modelo...Observação: O resumo, na íntegra, poderá ser visualizado no texto completo da tese digital / Abstract: In our thesis, we examine the two final books (XVII and XVIII) in Priscian's Institutiones grammaticae (c. VI AD) - De constructione - from two fundamental perspectives: (1) the way grammatical themes developed by Priscian for the constitution of his "syntax" relates to grammatical subjects within the artes grammaticae from c. III, IV and V AD; 2) the textual and theoretical relationship between his De constructione and its model...Note: The complete abstract is available with the full electronic document / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

Since the 1950s modernization theory predicted within the Third World a trajectory for social evolution and development mirroring perceived social and developmental evolution in Western societies since the 17th Century. Despite this theory being much discredited in both Western societies and the developing world; this theory still forms the basis for much analysis and policy formulation within post-1990 South Africa. This thesis looks at various aspects of urban black South Africans' existence and concludes that African tradition has found a place within an urban existence due to it's flexibility in dealing with peoples' daily challenges. An urban existence can thus no-longer be thought of as supplanting tradition in favour of western influences, but rather as bringing about a mixture of western and traditional influences - with positive and negative theoretical and practical developmental consequences / Development Studies / M.A.

Since the 1950s modernization theory predicted within the Third World a trajectory for social evolution and development mirroring perceived social and developmental evolution in Western societies since the 17th Century. Despite this theory being much discredited in both Western societies and the developing world; this theory still forms the basis for much analysis and policy formulation within post-1990 South Africa. This thesis looks at various aspects of urban black South Africans' existence and concludes that African tradition has found a place within an urban existence due to it's flexibility in dealing with peoples' daily challenges. An urban existence can thus no-longer be thought of as supplanting tradition in favour of western influences, but rather as bringing about a mixture of western and traditional influences - with positive and negative theoretical and practical developmental consequences / Development Studies / M.A.