The influence of transnational actors (TNAs) on the policy process in most sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries is widely acknowledged. Yet, studies examining this phenomenon focus mainly on the imposition of policy conditionality and under explore other mechanisms such as ideational processes, which mediate the relationship between national and transnational actors. Focusing on two poverty alleviation policies implemented in Ghana – Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP), and Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (GPRS) –, this study draws on the Transnational Policy Process (TPP) Framework to explore the ideational mechanisms that were instrumental in the development of these two social policies. In order to do so, qualitative case study research methods involving interviews and document reviews are used. This thesis argues that policymaking is multi-causal, which means that focusing exclusively on conditionalities without accounting for the role of ideational and other factors obscure our understanding of the policy process in developing countries. By examining the policy process in Ghana, this study ascertains that, beyond imposition of policies through conditionalities, TNAs also deploy other mechanisms that are mainly ideational in nature. Ideational channels include conferences, field trips, technical cooperation, training and capacity building, as well as collaboration with civil society organizations. Beyond these, TNAs use their memberships in policy structures, such as Ghana’s cross-sectoral planning groups (CSPGs) and sector working groups (SWGs) as a crucial platform to purvey policy innovations. Additionally, in some cases, the mechanisms are also coupled to improve effectiveness. The study also shows the mediating role of national institutions and contexts more generally, a role that makes the adoption of new policy ideas a necessary part of the policy process. Moreover, there is an indication that using ideational mechanisms promotes a sense of policy ownership among national policymakers who actively participate in shaping policies in partnership with transnational actors.

Este trabalho analisa as relações entre a política externa de direitos humanos do México durante os governos Salinas, Zedillo e Fox (1988-2006) e o processo de democratização que avançava nesse mesmo período no país, explorando o impacto da transição política sobre as mudanças que ocorreram na política externa mexicana de direitos humanos. Nossa hipótese é a de que o impacto do processo de democratização na política externa de direitos humanos do México tem dois momentos e lógicas distintos. O primeiro momento pode ser descrito pela literatura do modelo bumerangue-espiral com considerações teóricas da perspectiva de oportunidades política e corresponde aos governos Salinas e Zedillo. Já o segundo momento, equivalente ao governo Fox, pode ser explicado pela tese do lock-in. Durante os governos Salinas e Zedillo, a consolidação do processo de democratização do país, em marcha pelo menos desde a reforma eleitoral de 1977, criou uma estrutura de oportunidades políticas mais favorável que contribuiu para a emergência e proliferação de ONGs mexicanas de direitos humanos. Essas ONGs locais se uniriam, depois, à rede transnacional de ativismo em direitos humanos para pressionarem o governo mexicano em temas de direitos humanos ao longo da década de 1990. Os governos mexicanos, em resposta, começaram a alterar importantes características da política externa tradicional mexicana para tentar evitar custos de imagem e a pressão internacional. Por fim, o segundo momento analisado neste trabalho corresponde ao período do governo Fox, quando as mudanças na política externa mexicana de direitos humanos não foram resultado da pressão exercida pela rede transnacional de ativistas, como é descrito pelos modelos bumerangue e espiral. As mudanças foram iniciadas endogenamente no governo, que buscava ancorar a nova situação democrática do México no exterior por meio de compromissos internacionais de direitos humanos. Buscava-se, ademais, assegurar e convencer as audiências internacionais sobre a credibilidade dessa nova postura do Estado mexicano com relação às reformas democráticas e os direitos humanos. / This dissertation analyzes the links between Mexicos human rights foreign policy during Salinas, Zedillos and Foxs governments (1988-2006) and the democratization process that was also occurring in this same period, exploring the impact of the political transition on the changes that occurred in Mexican human rights foreign policy. Our hypothesis is that the impact of the democratization process on Mexican human rights foreign policy has two distinct moments and rationales: first, one that is described by the boomerang-spiral model literature with theoretical insights of the political opportunity perspective and equivalent to Salinas and Zedillos years in government; second, one that is explained by the lock-in thesis for Foxs government. During Salinas and Zedillos years, the consolidation of the democratization process that had been in motion at least since 1977 created a more favorable political opportunity structure that helped to increase the number of Mexican human rights NGOs; these NGOs joined later a transnational human rights advocacy network and together they pressed the Mexican government for themes concerning human rights. In response, Mexican administrations started to change important features of Mexicos traditional foreign policy to avoid image costs and pressure. Finally, the second moment analyzed in this dissertation comprises the years of Foxs government. Here the changes in the human rights foreign policy were not the result of the pressure exercised by the transnational human rights network of activists as described by the boomerang and spiral models. They were initiated endogenously in the government, which expected to lock in Mexicos new democratic situation with international commitments and to assure international audiences of the credibility of its commitments to democratic reforms and human rights.

Este trabalho analisa as relações entre a política externa de direitos humanos do México durante os governos Salinas, Zedillo e Fox (1988-2006) e o processo de democratização que avançava nesse mesmo período no país, explorando o impacto da transição política sobre as mudanças que ocorreram na política externa mexicana de direitos humanos. Nossa hipótese é a de que o impacto do processo de democratização na política externa de direitos humanos do México tem dois momentos e lógicas distintos. O primeiro momento pode ser descrito pela literatura do modelo bumerangue-espiral com considerações teóricas da perspectiva de oportunidades política e corresponde aos governos Salinas e Zedillo. Já o segundo momento, equivalente ao governo Fox, pode ser explicado pela tese do lock-in. Durante os governos Salinas e Zedillo, a consolidação do processo de democratização do país, em marcha pelo menos desde a reforma eleitoral de 1977, criou uma estrutura de oportunidades políticas mais favorável que contribuiu para a emergência e proliferação de ONGs mexicanas de direitos humanos. Essas ONGs locais se uniriam, depois, à rede transnacional de ativismo em direitos humanos para pressionarem o governo mexicano em temas de direitos humanos ao longo da década de 1990. Os governos mexicanos, em resposta, começaram a alterar importantes características da política externa tradicional mexicana para tentar evitar custos de imagem e a pressão internacional. Por fim, o segundo momento analisado neste trabalho corresponde ao período do governo Fox, quando as mudanças na política externa mexicana de direitos humanos não foram resultado da pressão exercida pela rede transnacional de ativistas, como é descrito pelos modelos bumerangue e espiral. As mudanças foram iniciadas endogenamente no governo, que buscava ancorar a nova situação democrática do México no exterior por meio de compromissos internacionais de direitos humanos. Buscava-se, ademais, assegurar e convencer as audiências internacionais sobre a credibilidade dessa nova postura do Estado mexicano com relação às reformas democráticas e os direitos humanos. / This dissertation analyzes the links between Mexicos human rights foreign policy during Salinas, Zedillos and Foxs governments (1988-2006) and the democratization process that was also occurring in this same period, exploring the impact of the political transition on the changes that occurred in Mexican human rights foreign policy. Our hypothesis is that the impact of the democratization process on Mexican human rights foreign policy has two distinct moments and rationales: first, one that is described by the boomerang-spiral model literature with theoretical insights of the political opportunity perspective and equivalent to Salinas and Zedillos years in government; second, one that is explained by the lock-in thesis for Foxs government. During Salinas and Zedillos years, the consolidation of the democratization process that had been in motion at least since 1977 created a more favorable political opportunity structure that helped to increase the number of Mexican human rights NGOs; these NGOs joined later a transnational human rights advocacy network and together they pressed the Mexican government for themes concerning human rights. In response, Mexican administrations started to change important features of Mexicos traditional foreign policy to avoid image costs and pressure. Finally, the second moment analyzed in this dissertation comprises the years of Foxs government. Here the changes in the human rights foreign policy were not the result of the pressure exercised by the transnational human rights network of activists as described by the boomerang and spiral models. They were initiated endogenously in the government, which expected to lock in Mexicos new democratic situation with international commitments and to assure international audiences of the credibility of its commitments to democratic reforms and human rights.

The formal access of transnational actors (TNA) to international organizations (IO) has increased steadily over the past five decades, and a growing body of literature is at the moment concerned with the theoretical and normative implications of these developments. However, very little is known as of yet about who the TNAs in global governance are, where they come from, which issue areas they focus on, and when and where they choose to participate. Using analytical tools from interest group theory, in particular a subfield called population ecology, this study describes and explains the chronological development of two populations of TNAs in global governance, namely the observer communities of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity. TNAs’ financial resources and their geographical proximity to global governance venues emerge as important factors influencing their capacity to participate, causing these TNA populations to be stratified and volatile.

[pt] A análise da participação de atores transnacionais nas dinâmicas internacionais, assim como a análise da política externa dos Estados e do impacto de elementos religiosos sobre as relações internacionais constitui-se em um campo de pesquisa de grande importância no cenário atual da disciplina de Relações Internacionais. Nessa dissertação propomos um olhar inovador sobre a construção da bem fundamentada aliança não-escrita entre Brasil e Estados Unidos, investigando a possível participação de missionários presbiterianos norte americanos na construção da sólida amizade entre esses dois países. A pesquisa é baseada na análise de casos, com acesso a fontes primárias e secundárias, orientada por diferentes recursos teóricos de Relações Internacionais voltados para a análise de atores transnacionais, análise de política externa e análise de normas. / [en] The analyses of transnational actors role in international dynamics, as well as foreign policy analyses and the impact of religious elements over international relations is a very important field of studies in today s International Relations disciplines. In this dissertation we propose a new look over the construction of the well based unwritten alliance between Brazil and United States, investigating the possible participation of Presbyterian North-American missionaries in the building of the solid friendship between these two countries. The research is based on case specific analyses, with use of primary and secondary sources of study, oriented by different theoretical resources of International Relations directed to the analyses of transnational actors, foreign policy analyses e norms analyses.

Power, and how it is exercised within social relations is pivotal in explaining policy change. Hence, this dissertation explores policy change in Kenya by examining the transfer and subsequent adoption of social protection policies in the form of cash transfer schemes. Instead of the current analytical frameworks drawing from political settlements, political institutions, and ideational approaches in explaining policy uptake, the research studies policy making from a policy transfer and power nexus. The study examines power relations among multiple actors in the national context to explain the adoption of social protection policies. Hence this dissertation articulates power dynamics and asymmetries inherent in policy-making involving national and transnational actors as underpinning policy transfer processes. The thesis is premised on the following interrelated arguments; firstly, I show how transnational actors created and manipulated interests and incentives based on their resource base in three significant ways: controlling the policy agenda, constraining the agency of other actors and influencing the preferences of actors in the policy space. The interaction of interests and resources – financial, and ideas and knowledge – converged to bring about policy change. Secondly, I focus on the role of ideas and knowledge within policy space to show how the creation of a discursive hegemony and a structure of knowledge, social construction and policy narratives played a significant role in shaping learning and influencing national actors. Thirdly, I argue that transnational actors used structural mechanisms based on financing and coerced government to adopt social protection policies through a catalysing mechanism and imposition of conditionalities. The study depicts how transnational actors conditioned and manipulated national context and institutions to align with the idea of cash transfers. This thesis employs a qualitative approach to study policy transfer and subsequent adoption of two cases of transfer schemes in Kenya, the Cash Transfer for Orphans and Vulnerable Children (CT-OVC) and the Hunger Safety Net Programme (HSNP). / Sociology / D. Phil. (Sociology)