Trinity Western University has come under fire for its Community Covenant which defines marriage as between one man and one woman. A look at Trinity's previous codes of conduct show an institution resisting the tides of secularization. While this document has been in existence only since 2009, Trinity has had a Christian-informed code of conduct since its early years. When looking at these documents—five in total—from one iteration to the next,what we see on the surface is a school that has, over time, increased its demands on the behaviour of its staff and students by requiring greater restraint on everything from sexual behaviour to the kind of entertainment in which they engage. What appears to be happening is that TWU, as an institution, is becoming more conservative while the rest of North America becomes more secular and more liberal. However, an examination of student newspapers and handbooks, as well as interviews with past and present students, faculty and staff reveals a much more complex relationship to a rapidly changing world. These latter sources shows that how individuals within the institution respond to secularization are not always aligned with the evangelical Christian goals of the school.This then begs the question: are TWU’s formal guidelines evidence of an institution that has, at times, been both insular and unaware of changes not only within the outside world, but among its own people? Or instead, do these documents reflect an astute awareness of changing societal norms? In other words, is the evolution of this document a direct response to secularization and an attempt to hold on to conservative Christian values? In this thesis, I argue that the latter is true. / Graduate / 2021-08-12

This study examines and compares two well-established private universities in their provincial environments: Trinity Western University (TWU) in British Columbia, and Augustana University College (AUC) in Alberta. Three questions were addressed. First, what were the conditions that enabled TWU and AUC to take root and flourish in their environments? Second, in what way and to what extent are TWU and AUC "private"? Third, how have TWU and AUC survived in their public environments on issues related to achieving degree-granting status, quality control, academic standards and public acceptance? The main finding to the first question is that both universities were established by the faith, perseverance and volunteer action of supporting memberships whose philosophy and beliefs were mainly incongruent with those of the public environment. Both universities were given recognition by politically conservative governments whose ideology extolled the virtues of private initiative. The main finding to the second question is that both universities were not "private" to nearly the same degree. While both universities are recognized for their academic quality by the postsecondary environment, TWU exhibits characteristics that are more distinctive and incongruent with the public environment in its faith-affirming beliefs, governance, financing, missions, academic frameworks, faculty, students and ethical standards. AUC, on the other hand, is far more "public-like" in these aspects, and is formally accountable to and part of the postsecondary education system of Alberta. The conclusion to the third finding is that TWU has depended on maintaining its distinctiveness and financial autonomy whilst maintaining recognition and acceptance by its environment in order to remain viable. AUC, by contrast, has depended on relinquishing much of its distinctiveness and autonomy in order to receive provincial support and recognition. These two cases illustrate that the idea of "private" as opposed to "public" universities should be viewed as a matter of degree rather than in absolute opposite terms.

This study examines and compares two well-established private universities in their provincial environments: Trinity Western University (TWU) in British Columbia, and Augustana University College (AUC) in Alberta. Three questions were addressed. First, what were the conditions that enabled TWU and AUC to take root and flourish in their environments? Second, in what way and to what extent are TWU and AUC "private"? Third, how have TWU and AUC survived in their public environments on issues related to achieving degree-granting status, quality control, academic standards and public acceptance? The main finding to the first question is that both universities were established by the faith, perseverance and volunteer action of supporting memberships whose philosophy and beliefs were mainly incongruent with those of the public environment. Both universities were given recognition by politically conservative governments whose ideology extolled the virtues of private initiative. The main finding to the second question is that both universities were not "private" to nearly the same degree. While both universities are recognized for their academic quality by the postsecondary environment, TWU exhibits characteristics that are more distinctive and incongruent with the public environment in its faith-affirming beliefs, governance, financing, missions, academic frameworks, faculty, students and ethical standards. AUC, on the other hand, is far more "public-like" in these aspects, and is formally accountable to and part of the postsecondary education system of Alberta. The conclusion to the third finding is that TWU has depended on maintaining its distinctiveness and financial autonomy whilst maintaining recognition and acceptance by its environment in order to remain viable. AUC, by contrast, has depended on relinquishing much of its distinctiveness and autonomy in order to receive provincial support and recognition. These two cases illustrate that the idea of "private" as opposed to "public" universities should be viewed as a matter of degree rather than in absolute opposite terms. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This thesis considers the lived experiences of LGBTTQIA+ students who currently attend or have attended Trinity Western University (TWU), a private Christian university that requires all staff, students and faculty to sign a community covenant expressing marriage is between a man and a woman. Importantly, TWU is currently seeking to start a law school, which faces great opposition due to TWU’s historical and current exclusion of queer folks. Subsequently, this thesis draws on data gathered from six qualitative interviews with current or past TWU students who also identify as LGBTTQIA+, women and/or gender non binary with the hope of making space for those folks while also offering criticisms and recommendations for TWU to consider. Additionally, this thesis seeks to provide clinical recommendations for counsellors and psychotherapists as they work to support folks at the intersections of spiritual and sexual identity in an affirmative and supportive manner.

Since the 1960s there has been a rapid increase in the number of individuals throughout much of the Western world who identify as having no religion. This is particularly so in Canada where individuals who identify as having no religion now account for a rather sizeable portion of the total population. Despite the rapid and exponential growth in the number of people who no longer affiliate with religion, however, the sociological study of who the nonreligious are and what a social world not necessarily rooted in religion—what I call nonreligion—might entail have only recently captured the interests of sociologists. As a result, relatively little is known about this growing group of people and nonreligion. One such area that remains significantly understudied is the intersection of nonreligion and law. Canadian law has been called on by the nonreligious to decide upon the constitutionality of various legislation including that which has prohibited access to same-sex marriage, abortion, and physician-assisted dying. The intersection of nonreligion and law thus provides valuable insight into how nonreligious individuals attempt to promote social change in Canadian society. But, the law also acts as a window through which to explore the often-ignored meaningful beliefs, values, and practices of the nonreligious, or the positive content of nonreligion. Much research about nonreligion and the nonreligious has focused on what nonreligion is not and what the nonreligious do not do vis-à-vis religion, very little research engages with the meaningful aspects of nonreligion and nonreligious identities. This thesis seeks to explore the meaningful aspects of nonreligion and contribute original research to this lacking body of scholarship. This thesis asks: How is nonreligion conceptualized in Canadian law and is this framing of nonreligion characterized by more than the simple rejection or negation of religion? In other words, does nonreligion have positive content in the context of law, and if so, what is this positive content? Drawing on the discourse analysis of the Supreme Court of Canada’s Latimer (2001), Bedford (2013), and Trinity Western (2018) cases, I explore the concepts of human rights, morality, and dignity to draw attention to the ways in which nonreligion is socially constructed in law. My analysis shows that nonreligion is conceptualized in legal discourse as encompassing positive content. I argue that social constructions of nonreligion in law are inclusive of meaningful beliefs, values, and practices and that it is no longer sufficient to think of nonreligion and the nonreligious as simply deficit in nature.