The research conducted for this master’s thesis determined that the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) current participation in military operations other than war (MOOTW) does not make significant contributions to its ability to develop its capability to conduct a large-scale war. Research was performed on the PLA’s MOOTW missions from 2008 in the areas of humanitarian aid and disaster response (HA/DR), noncombatant evacuation operations (NEO), and counterpiracy. General trends indicated that the PLA’s participation in these operations improved basic military capabilities that are fundamental to performing advanced tactics, but did not directly contribute to its ability to dominate air, land, and sea domains. Research also concluded that China is extremely concerned about how the international community views its role as a responsible stakeholder as an emerging global power. Consequently, the U.S. should be concerned with China’s growing capability to project goodwill as a result of its rapid military modernization. Besides the obvious military competition presented by the PLA’s modernization efforts, the U.S. should share an equal, if not greater concern for the resultant global political competition from China. This research develops a military cooperation framework based on the comparison of relative political goals and political interests between two nations. When applied to Sino-U.S. relations, it presents a spectrum of options available to U.S. decision makers, but suggests that U.S. should only participate in military cooperation with the PLA if there are relative political advantages to the U.S. Finally, it warns against decisions made out of the convenience of short-term interest alignment that do not contribute to solutions for achieving long term political goals.

This MA thesis titled as - India-U.S. Relations in the Late 1960s and in the First Half of the 1970s - focuses on mutual relations of the U.S. on one side and India on the other. It elaborates various events, which influenced these relations during the late 1960s and in the first half ot the 1970s. The result of this work is the confirmation that the U.S., in its foreign policy strategy, strictly followed the principle of realpolitik. Thanks to that their interests, however, often collided with those of India. Its effort of rapprochment with the PRC, during which Pakistan played an important role as the main communication channel between both countries, was a 'thorn in the side' of India's top officials, including its Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The U.S. foreign policy, which was mainly in hands of the National Security Advisor of President Richard Nixon Henry Kissinger, had to logically prefer an alliance with Pakistan. This, of course, was not welcomed by India because these two Asian countries waged several wars against each other and had strained relations since their birth. Thus, in spite of the fact that India might seem as the best American partner, given its strong democratic principles, the opposite was true. Nixon/Kissinger, in defiance of all obstacles, did not relent and remained firm...

This thesis explores the use of language, myth creation, and the development of American civil religion to construct a national identity. It analyzes the role of religious language in imagining an identity for the American people, with Protestant Christianity being a driving force for this rhetoric. Throughout this thesis, I argue that specific historical figures have become symbols of American identity, creating an American cult that venerates these figures as sacred icons. This thesis traces the historical development of thought as it relates to American political figures taking on mythical and legendary status in the minds of the citizens. The role of monuments and memorials in Washington, D.C., as capsules into the past and symbolic representations of what is essential to the American people, is also explored. I argue that monuments and memorials have artistic perspectives and use specific imagery that shows how the designers want their audience to view and interpret the events and people who are the subject of the piece and how notions of national identity are projected onto monuments, memorials, and symbols. The thesis also examines the growing phenomenon of far-right nationalism in the United States and how President Trump used populism and rhetoric of American civil religion to strengthen his support. I also explore the variations of patriotic participation through protests by Colin Kaepernick and the Black Lives Matter Movement showing the diverse nature of national identity and civic contribution. The thesis also delves into the importance of the military in the United States and how soldiers have become a symbol of American patriotism and identity. By highlighting the role of religion, language, and mythology in shaping national identity, this thesis sheds light on the complex interplay between culture, history, and identity in the United States.

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The Master's thesis "The Clean War Concept as a Part of American Foreign Policy 1989-2001" deals with the influence of the Clean War Concept, the unwillingness of the U.S. public and politicians to risk the loss of life among members of the American armed forces, and the deployment of U.S. military missions abroad. The aim of the thesis is to verify this concept. The research examines the conditions in five selected U.S. deployments and consequent comparisons with the Clean War Concept. The selected deployments share in common the possibility that U.S. soldiers were in danger of being killed. The deployments took place between 1989 and 2001. This era, which, from an international relations perspective, can be seen as relatively homogenous, is characterized by U.S. dominance. The work includes a brief historical overview of U.S. deployments during the Cold War period and the Vietnam War in particular because the Clean War Concept was conceived as a consequence of this deployment. The thesis explains the relationship between the Revolution in military affairs in favor of the Clean War Concept, and argues that the concept allows for U.S. deployments abroad that are in accordance with it.

本文以「新現實主義」(neorealism)，或被稱為「結構現實主義」(structural realism)做為研究途徑，從國際政治系統層次體系，探究美國在二十一世紀後，所進行的東亞軍力調整。本文首先檢視二十一世紀後東亞戰略環境，以及美國的兩位總統，小布希(George W. Bush)，以及歐巴馬(Barrack Obama)，的面對這樣的東亞安全環境，採取的戰略與政策儘管有不同，但同樣在軍事及外交上，強化與東亞國家之關係，藉以建構一個對美國有利的東亞安全環境，藉以面對來自崛起中國的挑戰。接著，本文將探究美國與中國之關係，藉以釐清美國在進行東亞軍力調整中，如何處理中國的因素後，探討美國在二十一世紀後，在東亞進行的軍力調整的原因、方針以及概況，以及美國的東亞盟邦在軍力調整後所扮演的角色，並探究美國在東亞軍力整編時所面對的困境與挑戰。 本文發現，二十一世紀美國進行東亞軍力調整之時，也反應了其東亞外交與安全戰略，以及美國建構一個以「美日同盟」為主軸的安全戰略體系已經形成，並由美國的其他東亞盟邦輔助支援。然而，美國的東亞軍力調整，也面臨了許多困難與挑戰，包括美國東亞盟邦，甚至美國自身的問題等。 最後，本文也建議未來可針對抑制中國軍事能力的戰略，以及台灣在美國東亞安全戰略可以扮演的角色進行研究。 / The research approach used in this dissertation is neorealism (structural realism). From the system of level in the international politics, this dissertation explore how the United States conducted its military realignment in East Asia. Firstly, this dissertation will examine the security environment of East Asia in the twenty-first century. Although two U.S. Presidents, George W. Bush and Barrack Obama, adopted different policies when facing such an East Asia security environment, they both strengthened relations with Asia-Pacific countries militarily and diplomatically. They intended to construct an East Asian security environment favorable for U.S. interests so that U.S. can face the challenges from the rising China. Later on, this dissertation will explore U.S.-Chinese relations to clarify how U.S. handle Chinese factors in its military realignment in East Asia. Besides, this dissertation will explore the reasons, policies, how U.S. proceed its military realignment, and the roles played by U.S. allies and partners. Finally, this dissertation will examine the difficulties and challenges that U.S. will have faced in its military realignment. This dissertation finds that U.S. military realignment in East Asia reflects its diplomacy and security strategy. Meanwhile, an U.S. security strategy based on U.S.-Japan alliance has established, with the support from other U.S. allies and partners in East Asia. However, the U.S. indeed faces difficulties and challenges, including problems from its allies and even the U.S. itself. Lastly, this dissertation suggest some research directions in the future, including a strategy which can suppress Chinese capabilities, and the role that Taiwan can play in the comprehensive U.S. East Asia security strategy.

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In dieser Dissertation wird die historische Genese einer Entwicklung untersucht, die zum Entstehen eines „evangelikalen Ethos“ in Teilen der US-Streitkräfte und weiteren Bereichen des National Security State geführt hat. Den Ausgangspunkt dieser Arbeit bilden Daten zur religiösen Zusammensetzung der amerikanischen Streitkräfte aus dem Jahr 2009. Sie verweisen auf einen überproportional hohen Anteil evangelikaler Protestanten in den amerikanischen Streitkräften. Der Untersuchungszeitraum reicht vom Aufbau des National Security State im Zweiten Weltkrieg bis zum Ende des Vietnamkrieges. Die Annäherung evangelikaler Protestanten an den nationalen Sicherheitsstaat fand bereits im Zweiten Weltkrieg statt. Vor allem im Kontext des Kalten Krieges setzte zudem die Erkenntnis einer ideologischen und kulturellen Nähe zwischen beiden Sphären ein, während die neoevangelikale Erweckungsbewegung zu neuer Blüte gelangte und eine religiöse Mobilisierung der Vereinigten Staaten im frühen Kalten Krieg stattfand. Die Arbeit beruht u.a. auf teil unveröffentlichten Archivbeständen des Billy Graham Center und des Wheaton College. Methodisch ist die Untersuchung der von Philip Sarasin geprägten Wissensgeschichte verpflichtet. Damit kann eine Vielfalt von Wissensbeständen analytisch gegriffen und ihre Bedeutung für politisches und militärisches Handeln entsprechend gefasst werden. Die Arbeit endet mit einem Ausblick auf die Gegenwart: Das missionarische Sendungsbewusstsein evangelikaler Gläubiger führt zu Konflikten innerhalb der Streitkräfte. Auch im Rahmen der Auslandseinsätze der amerikanischen Streitkräfte ereignen sich bedenkliche Vorfälle, in denen etwa das Verbot der Missionierung durch Militärangehörige missachtet wird. / This dissertation examines the historical genesis of a development that lead to an „Evangelical ethos“ within the U.S. Arnmed Forces and other institutions of the National Security State. The starting point for this dissertation are empirical data from 2009 about the religious composition of the U.S. military. This data refers to a disproportional quota of Evangelical Protestants in the military. The period investigated reaches from the creation of the National Security State during World War 2 until the end of the war in Vietnam. The convergence of Evangelical Protestants and the National Security State began with World War 2. Furthermore, in the context of the Cold War a sense of shared ideological and cultural values developed, while the Neoevangelical revival movement blossomed and a religious mobilization of the United States during the early Cold War took place. This work is based on partly unpublished material from the Billy Graham Center and Wheaton College archives, among others. Methodically, it is committed to Philipp Sarasins approach of a history of knowledge. In this way, a variety of stocks of knowledge can be grasped analytically and their significance for political and military action can be grasped accordingly. This dissertation ends with an outlook on the present times: the evangelical zeal of the believers in uniform leads to conflicts within the military. Furthermore, during assigments abroad highly problematic incidents take place, e.g. the disregard of the prohibition of proselytizing by members of the military.