As the complexity of modern cellular networks continuously increases along with the evolution of technologies and the quick explosion of mobile data traffic, conventional large scale system level simulations and analytical tools become either too complicated or less tractable and accurate. Therefore, novel analytical models are actively pursued. In recent years, stochastic geometry models have been recognized as powerful tools to analyze the key performance metrics of cellular networks. In this dissertation, stochastic geometry based analytical models are developed to analyze the performance of some key technologies proposed for 5G mobile networks. Particularly, Device-to-Device (D2D) communication, Non-orthogonal multiple access (NOMA), and ultra-dense networks (UDNs) are investigated and analyzed by stochastic geometry models, more specifically, Poisson Point Process (PPP) models. D2D communication enables direct communication between mobile users in proximity to each other bypassing base station (BS). Embedding D2D communication into existing cellular networks brings many benefits such as improving spectrum efficiency, decreasing power energy consumption, and enabling novel location-based services. However, these benefits may not be fully exploited if the co-channel interference among D2D users and cellular users is not properly tackled. In this dissertation, various frequency reuse and power control schemes are proposed, aiming at mitigating the interference between D2D users and conventional cellular users. The performance gain of proposed schemes is analyzed on a system modeled by a 2-tier PPP and validated by numerical simulations. NOMA is a promising radio access technology for 5G cellular networks. Different with widely applied orthogonal multiple access (OMA) such as orthogonal frequency division multiple access (OFDMA) and single carrier frequency division multiple access (SC-FDMA), NOMA allows multiple users to use the same frequency/time resource and offers many advantages such as improving spectral efficiency, enhancing connectivity, providing higher cell-edge throughput, and reducing transmission latency. Although some initial performance analysis has been done on NOMA with single cell scenario, the system level performance of NOMA in a multi-cell scenario is not investigated in existing work. In this dissertation, analytical frameworks are developed to evaluate the performance of a wireless network with NOMA on both downlink and uplink. Distinguished from existing publications on NOMA, the framework developed in this dissertation is the first one that takes inter-cell interference into consideration. UDN is another key technology for 5G wireless networks to achieve high capacity and coverage. Due to the existence of line-of-sight (LoS)/non-line-of-sight (NLoS) propagation and bounded path loss behavior in UDN networks, the tractability of the original PPP model diminishes when analyzing the performance of UDNs. Therefore, a dominant BS (base station)-based approximation model is developed in this dissertation. By applying reasonable mathematical approximations, the tractability of the PPP model is preserved and the closed form solution can be derived. The numerical results demonstrate that the developed analytical model is accurate in a wide range of network densities. The analysis conducted in this dissertation demonstrates that stochastic geometry models can serve as powerful tools to analyze the performance of 5G technologies in a dense wireless network deployment. The frameworks developed in this dissertation provide general yet powerful analytical tools that can be readily extended to facilitate other research in wireless networks.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T16:17:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao mayara historia.pdf: 4898675 bytes, checksum: 7eceb65371653b29441280e0f5118fb2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-30 / The debate about amnesty in the National Constituent Assembly of 1946 involved a negotiation process initiated in 1945 with the amnesty decreed by the government Vargas. The amnesty decree signed by President Getúlio Vargas in 1945 aimed at the liberation of the Communists, in particular, Luiz Carlos Prestes in jail since 1936. Constituents elected in 1946, the Communists were "foreign body" of that Assembly. The political upheavals of the post-war and post-Estado Novo in Brazil have generated a resurgence of strong anti-communism in the country. The debate about amnesty in the Assembly involved, among other things, the political trial of the action of the Communists. The Assembly turned to the trial of the past. The impatience of opposition to the inheritance Vargas became the Constituent Assembly on stage for a battle of memory in two plans: the competition among political elites, and veto the Communists. The debate on the amnesty was far from promoting forgetfulness and forgiveness needed to disarm political, in contrast, memory was the scene of strong political dispute, feeding resentments and divisions that marked the Brazilian political life at that juncture. / O debate sobre a anistia na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946 envolveu um processo de negociação iniciado no ano anterior com a anistia decretada pelo governo Vargas. O Decreto assinado por Getúlio Vargas em 1945 visava à libertação dos comunistas, em especial, Luiz Carlos Prestes, preso desde 1936. Eleitos Constituintes em 1946, os comunistas eram o corpo estranho daquela Assembleia. As transformações políticas do pós-Guerra e do pós-Estado Novo no Brasil geraram o ressurgimento de um forte anticomunismo no país. O debate sobre a anistia na Constituinte envolvia, entre outros temas, o julgamento político da ação dos comunistas. A Constituinte voltou-se para o julgamento do passado. O inconformismo da oposição com a herança varguista transformou a Assembleia Constituinte em palco para uma disputa de memória em dois planos: a disputa entre as elites políticas e o veto aos comunistas. O debate sobre a anistia esteve longe de promover o esquecimento e o perdão necessários ao desarme político, ao contrário, a memória foi palco de forte disputa política, alimentando divisões e ressentimentos que marcaram a vida política brasileira naquela conjuntura.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-02-19T14:05:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandreluizdeoliveira.pdf: 1696026 bytes, checksum: 4779a19194b2ef6c5aaac97ec5a3649e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-02-26T13:48:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandreluizdeoliveira.pdf: 1696026 bytes, checksum: 4779a19194b2ef6c5aaac97ec5a3649e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-26T13:48:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandreluizdeoliveira.pdf: 1696026 bytes, checksum: 4779a19194b2ef6c5aaac97ec5a3649e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-06 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação analisa a trajetória de Raymundo Padilha, último Governador do Estado do Rio de Janeiro antes da fusão com a Guanabara. Seu objetivo é compreender a trajetória política de Padilha, levando em conta as redes nas quais se inseriu como político e onde caminhou pelas varias nuanças da direita brasileira, permanecendo por mais de duas décadas. A primeira parte se dedica aos primeiros passos de Padilha na política e sua participação na Ação Integralista Brasileira. Podemos perceber a atuação de Padilha desde os primeiros momentos de filiação na AIB de Petrópolis – RJ até sua chegada ao comando do núcleo fluminense. A segunda parte analisou a atuação de Padilha durante o Estado Novo varguista, período em que a AIB esteve na ilegalidade e Plínio Salgado, chefe e fundador do integralismo, esteve exilado em Portugal. Padilha assumiu nesse momento uma posição importante perante aos integralistas no Brasil, ele atuou como porta-voz de Plínio e ajudou na formação do Partido de Representação Popular. A terceira parte abrange o período parlamentar de Padilha, tendo como partida o ano de 1952 quando assumiu o cargo de Deputado Federal do Rio de Janeiro pelo PRP. Este capítulo também analisa sua atuação na União Democrática Nacional – UDN e posteriormente na Aliança Renovadora Nacional – ARENA. Padilha chegou ao cargo de Governador do Estado do Rio de Janeiro em 1970 e ocupou essa posição até 1975. Após esse período se afastou da política. / This academic research analyzes Raymundo Padilha’s trajectory, last Governor of the State of Rio de Janeiro before the merger with Guanabara. The research intended to understand, through the analysis of the trajectory of Padilha and taking into account the networks in which he entered as articulated in political and Brazilian right, staying for more than two decades in political activity. The first part is dedicated to the first steps of Padilha in politics and his participation in the Brazilian Integralist Action - AIB. It is possible to the action of Padilha from the first moments of membership of the AIB Petrópolis - RJ until his arrival at the command statewide. The second part analyzes the work of Padilha during the Estado Novo period in which AIB has been outlawed and Plinio Salgado, head and founder of AIB, in exile in Portugal. Padilha took that moment it an important current position at that moment, as the spokesman of Salgado and helped in the formation of the Party of Popular Representation. The third part analyzes the period of parliamentary Padilha, whose departure the year 1952 when he assumed the position of federal parliamentarian by Rio de Janeiro, as a PRP member. This chapter also analyzes his performance in the National Democratic Union - UDN and later, in the the National Renewal Alliance - ARENA. Padilha came to the office of Governor of the State of Rio de Janeiro in 1970 and held that position until 1975.

Submitted by André Lopes de Oliveira (andrelopes@gmail.com) on 2018-07-22T01:59:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - O poder das idéias - André Oliveira.pdf: 1633317 bytes, checksum: 0d09c47af462b3f4217e57a2dcd8c9f1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diego Andrade (diego.andrade@fgv.br) on 2018-07-30T13:39:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - O poder das idéias - André Oliveira.pdf: 1633317 bytes, checksum: 0d09c47af462b3f4217e57a2dcd8c9f1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-30T13:53:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - O poder das idéias - André Oliveira.pdf: 1633317 bytes, checksum: 0d09c47af462b3f4217e57a2dcd8c9f1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-21 / O presente trabalho trata da análise da construção e demolição da imagem presidencial de Carlos Lacerda, jornalista, vereador da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, deputado federal, governador da Guanabara e pré-candidato às eleições presidenciais, previstas para ocorrer em 1965, ano em que se encerrava seu mandato como governador. Tratamos da maneira como Lacerda utilizou o período à frente da Guanabara como plataforma para construir sua candidatura, e de como ela foi afetada pelo movimento civil-militar ocorrido em 31 de março de 1964, que levou à deposição do presidente João Goulart e à instauração de um regime militar no Brasil. / Ce travail présente une analyse de la construction et de la démolition de l’image présidentielle de Carlos Lacerda, journaliste, conseiller municipal de Rio de Janeiro, député fédéral, gouverneur de la Guanabara, et pré-candidat aux élections présidentielles, qui devraient avoir lieu en 1965, l’année où finissait son mandat comme gouverneur. On étudie la manière dont Lacerda a profité de la période comme chef politique de la Guanabara comme une plateforme pour construire sa candidature et comment celle-ci a été atteinte par le mouvement civil-militaire du 31 mars 1964, qui a déposé le président João Goulart et a instauré un régime militaire au Brésil.