The South China Sea is known as an area where the Chinese government stands against its Southeast Asian neighbors in unresolved sovereignty conflicts over the disputed islands and the exploration for natural resources. Therefore, the South China Sea presents challenges for multilateral environmental cooperation. China was not an active participant in the multilateral environmental cooperation in the South China Sea before the 1990s. However, the approval of the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP)/Global Environmental Facility (GEF) South China Sea Project in 1999 marked a dramatic attitude change by the Chinese government towards the South China Sea environmental protection. It is the first multilateral inter-governmental initiative signed by China on any issues related to the South China Sea. Before signing its approval of the UNEP/GEF South China Sea Project, the Chinese government strongly opposed any multilateral cooperation concerning the South China Sea, since most of the islands in the South China Sea are territorially disputed islands between China and other coastal countries. This thesis tries to find the reasons why China changed its attitudes on the multilateral environmental cooperation in the South China Sea. Based on an analysis what happened for China from 1995 when the UNEP/GEF South China Sea project was initiated, to 1999, when China approved this project, this thesis found that the motivations for China to participate in the multilateral environmental cooperation in the South China Sea are collective of national interests, rather than a pure environmental interest. / Master of Arts

The purpose of this research is to study how the UNDP offices in Stockholm and New York are using Facebook to set the agenda regarding the Millennium Development Goals, but also how the offices are communicating and presenting the goals towards the public. The research is based on publications from the two Facebook groups “millenniemålen – åtta mål för en bättre värld” and “United Nations Development Programme – UNDP” published between November 2011 until April 2012. The publications were categorized and analyzed using content analysis, a method that allows categorization of data which enables me to compare the two offices publications rate but also the amount of publications according to which MDG to be in focus. Text analysis of 24 publications allowed me to detect a pattern as well as analysis the two way communication occurring. The text analysis provides an understanding of the how the organizations are working with setting the agenda of the Millennium Development Goals, but also how a relationship is created through communication. The theoretical standpoint for the thesis draws on agenda-setting, strategic communication and Public Relations, also referred to as PR, as the two offices are working with awareness towards the public - a work that need a creation of relationship to the audience. This study shows that the two offices are communicating the Millennium Development Goals differently towards the public, with different results. The New York office are interacting with its followers on Facebook, directing the readers to engage in the set topics through questions and statements and creating dialogues organization to reader but also reader to reader. The UNDP Stockholm is using Facebook as a gateway to their webpage, where information is presented as a news article with little or none chance for the reader to comply. The setting of the agenda is done through the publications, but the publications lack the tools showing if the agenda have been embraced by the readers. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur UNDP kontoren i Stockholm och New York använder Facebook för att sätta agendan på millenniemålen, men även visa hur kontoren kommunicerar och presenterar målen till besökarna/följarna av sidorna. Undersökningen är baserad på publikationer gjorda på de två kontorens Facebook sidor “millenniemålen – åtta mål för en bättre värld” och “United Nations Development Programme – UNDP” under tidsperioden november 2011 till april 2012. Publikationerna blev kategoriserade och analyserade med hjälp av innehållsanalys, en metod som genom sin kategoriseringsprocess möjliggör jämförelse mellan de två kontorens sätt att sätta agendan och arbeta med publiken, men även nödvändig information som millenniemål i fokus i enskilda publikationer. Text analys applicerades på 24 publikationer för att mer djupgående förstå hur de två kontoren jobbar för att skapa dialog samt en relation till läsarna genom den satta agendan. Hur UNDP kontoren adresserar läsarna samt överbyggande teman för texterna blev synliga genom denna analys metod. Som teoretisk grund använder jag ”agenda-setting”, strategisk kommunikation samt Public Relations, också refererad till som PR. Båda kontoren har till uppgift att uppmärksamma allmänheten på UNDPs agenda, en uppgift som innebär relationsskapande till sin publik. Resultatet visar att de två kontoren skiljer sig åt när det gäller att kommunicera millenniemålen. New York kontorets interagerande med sin publik genom Facebook, där de skapar dialog kring ett satt ämne mellan organisationen och publiken, men även mellan publiken själv, visar på en fungerande strategi att skapa intresse kring målen. Interaktionen visar även att publiken engagerar sig i de publikationerna som blivit gjorda, med andra ord den agendan som blivit satt. UNDP Stockholm använder Facebook som en ”gateway” till sin hemsida, där informationen blir presenterad som en nyhetsartikel med få inbjudningar till dialog eller chans att respondera . Även om agendan är tydlig i texterna, finns det inga bevis på att läsarna är mottagliga för den.

In 2016 Chile adopted a new law (Ley N° 20.915) that aims to strengthen the public and democratic character of the political parties and facilitate their modernization. For the political parties in the country this means a set of measures imposing obligations concerning their transparent and democratizing internal processes. The aim of this paper is to examine how the transparency within the Chilean political parties has changed since the introduction of the law 20.915 and how the citizens trust for these political entities has changed during the same period. What have the political parties done to increase the transparency? How has the relationship between transparency and trust in the political parties developed since the introduction of the law 20.915? What factors are important for understanding the relationship between transparency and trust? Is the increased trust in political parties due to the introduction of the law 20.915 or are there other aspects to consider? The theoretical framework resulted in two hypotheses. The first is based on the idea that increased transparency in political parties leads to higher trust for the political parties and therefore expect trust in parties in Chile to increase. The second hypothesis take into account that this effect might be stronger in the short run, but over time the effect will diminsh because there are other aspects to take into consideration as well, and if these are not seen to, the trust won’t continue to increase alongside the transparency. The expectations of the first hypothesis received support as both transparency and trust increased after the introduction of transparency reforms. But the indication of such relationship diverged at the end of the period, when trust decreased despite the continued improvement of transparency. This could be seen as an indication of support for the expected outcome of the second hypothesis, and the discussion concerning the reason for this result focused on the role of perception of corruption, time, medial attention and social media platforms among others. The analysis has been conducted through a qualitative case study based on various documents and scientific articles. The method used is both descriptive and theory trying since the paper aims to answer both questions as “how”, “what” and “which”, and also aims to test the stated hypotheses on the empirical material.

ABSTRACT UNDP&rsquo / S APPROACH TO WOMEN&rsquo / S RIGHTS: THE CASE OF TURKEY Devlet, Yelda M.Sc., Department of Gender and Women&rsquo / s Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Yakin Ert&uuml / rk December, 2006, 152 pages. This study has focused on UNDP&rsquo / s approach to women&rsquo / s rights particularly in Turkey. In order to provide a context for the discussion of the role of the UNDP in Turkey on the realization of women&rsquo / s rights, the thesis examines the emergence of women&rsquo / s rights discourse within the international arena and its repercussions in Turkey. This has facilitated the understanding of (1) the emergence of a women&rsquo / s rights movement at the global level, (2) the spread of the idea and perception of &lsquo / women&rsquo / s rights&rsquo / movement in Turkish society, and (3) the transformation of the approaches related to women&rsquo / s issues within the Turkish context. in the light of the support of the UNDP programmes in Turkey. Within this context, this research focused on two UNDP programmes including &ldquo / National Programme for Enhancement of Women in Development&rdquo / and &ldquo / Local Agenda 21&rdquo / . Both of the programmes have had progressive impacts over the enhancement of women&rsquo / s rights in Turkey in different stages. They are critical tools on facilitating the contributions and effectiveness of the UNDP in engendering the political agenda in Turkey. It is believed that analyzing the impacts of the UNDP&rsquo / s women&rsquo / s rights related programs has crucial importance for identifying the gaps and recommending solutions to bridge the gaps in Turkey.

Recently, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) have adopted policies that engage the private sector in the implementation of their development mandates. Despite the implications of these changes, the subject is among the least conceptualized. By applying a theory-guided process-tracing (TGPT) methodology, this paper examines the process of change at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). It advances a constructivist argument and evaluates whether this change could be viewed as a norm-driven change, where norms of corporate social responsibility (CSR), in the process of interaction and learning, have obtained an intersubjective quality and redefined the role of the private sector in the context of organization’s objectives. The paper evaluates this argument in light of the alternative assumptions of the principal-agent model, the bureaucratic culture literature, and rational choice institutionalism. It highlights the implications of this research in empirical, analytical, and theoretical terms for further studies and concludes that, without a due assessment of the intervening effect of norms on policies, the causal claims of other theories are seriously challenged.

Using a discourse analysis, the thesis will examine the impact of the postcolonial condition and the desire for integration in the institutional framing of human development reports, policies and programs. Three levels will be used to contextualize the Caribbean expression of human development. First, the international level will be represented by the UNDP, central organ of the international development engine to provide the context of the international discourse. Then, regional and national levels with a case study of Barbados and Haiti will be investigated and evaluate to what extent does the postcolonial condition and identity enable the regional integration into the international development discourse. The paper seeks to verify empirically the Postcolonial criticism of development and produce IR Postcolonial empirical research on discourses to voice the Caribbean experiences. I argue that the region does not produce a counter-discourse to development and reject the claim that the postcolonial condition/subjectivity is an obstacle the use of the international development framework in the postcolonial Caribbean. To support my position, the notion of identity will be assessed highlighting the references to a regional identity put forward the unity of the region. The thesis will conclude that the attempt to foster a regional Caribbean identity is weaken by the ambivalence of the postcolonial subjectivity and the desire for integration.

Policies are often seen as a response to existing issues, wheras in this study polices are understood as a productive process, that not only addresses a pre-existing problem, but that construct the problem through how it is represented in the policy (Bacchi, Eveline, 2010: 18). Based on this, the study examines how gender inequality is represented in a number of policies and reports from the UN Development Programme, UNDP, published between 2018 and 2021.UNDP is one of the largest entities within the international development world, and its policies has the potential to impact millions of people around the world. By asking what is the problem represented to be? (WPR) it is possible to uncover underlying assumptions on which the understanding that produces the problem of gender inequality, rests. The effects of these assumptions, implicit understandings of a problem, come to determine what is being done about it. Many policies addressing gender inequality attempt to identify how actions can be taken with less negative effect on the targeted group, mainly women, instead of asking how the policies themselves are connected to reproducing the problem (Bacchi et al. 2010: 120).   This study finds that the underlying premises of how gender inequality is represented by UNDP results in proposed actions that risk conflating women and gender, while promoting activities that at large aim to include women into existing structures, rather than being a driver for examining underlying causes of gender inequality.

No description available.

This thesis constitutes a theory-guided case study of development communication and communication for development usage within different agencies at the United Nations. The study initially presents theories on development communication and communication for development, as interpreted, explained, and defined by researchers within the field. Then, the thesis applies the theories on development communication and communication for development to cases within the United Nations. The cases included in the study are; the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nation’s Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). The results of the study demonstrate that; UNICEF utilizes development communication and communication for development in a manner that is in line with the definitions laid forth by Quebral as well as Fraser and Restrepo-Estrada. There is a connection between the way UNESCO uses development communication and communication for development and the theories put forth by Fraser and Restrepo-Estrada as well as Waisbord. The theories of Quebral and Waisbord are applicable to the work carried out by the UNDP. And lastly, the way in which FAO utilizes communication for development is in line with the definitions laid forth by Quebral as well as Fraser and Restrepo-Estrada.

Il coordinamento dell’aiuto pubblico allo sviluppo, evocato negli ultimi anni da più parti come la soluzione alla deludente efficacia degli aiuti è in realtà un argomento che nasce quasi contemporaneamente alle prime organizzazioni internazionali dedicate allo sviluppo . La funzione ambivalente delle Nazioni Unite, agente di mediazione diplomatica da un lato (mediazione tra stati e tra gruppi di potere all’interno dello stesso stato), e agente di sviluppo dall’altro, garantisce all’organizzazione un ruolo preminente nel coordinamento degli aiuti nei contesti di guerra e di post-conflitto. E’ questa stessa ambivalenza che impone all’organizzazione un rapporto ufficiale con i territori sottosviluppati, incardinato nella relazione con i governi centrali degli stati. La critica radicale all’aiuto pubblico allo sviluppo individua tutte le distorsioni politiche ed economiche legate all’afflusso dei fondi, sottolineandone le aggravanti possibili laddove esista una discrasia tra gli obiettivi di sviluppo delle Nazioni Unite e quelli dell’élite che occupa le posizioni apicali dello stato. Questa ricerca attraverso un’analisi storica del contesto, mette in luce l’interazione tra il sistema degli aiuti e il sistema-paese in Tajikistan dall’ingresso delle organizzazioni ai giorni nostri. L’analisi dimostra infine che la struttura politico-economica radicata sul territorio, pur conservando i tratti di uno “stato predatorio” (tratti non alleviati bensì aggravati dalle distorsioni legate all’afflusso dei fondi per lo sviluppo), sfugge in realtà alla definizione stessa di “Stato”. Questo dato rivela una debolezza insita nell’approccio metodologico del sistema degli aiuti che si fonda proprio sull’archetipo dello “Stato”. / The Official Development Assistance (ODA) coordination has been recently launched as a genuine mean to increase aid effectiveness. Actually, the “aid coordination” paradigm was born almost contemporaneously to the first international organizations dedicated to “development”. The ambivalent function of the United Nation that acts both as an agent of diplomatic mediation (among states and among different lobbies within the borders of the same state), and as a development agent, guarantees to United Nations a preeminent role in the field of aid coordination in conflict and post-conflict contexts. It’s this real ambivalence that compels the United Nations to deal with development countries through official relations with the central governments. The radical critique to development aid shows different political and economic distortions related to the incidence of foreign funds. At the same time, it underlines that wherever the goals of the official governments diverge from the development goals of the aid community these distortions might be even more burdensome for the country. This research, through an historical analysis, draws attention on the interaction among the development industry and the country-system in Tajikistan from the arrival of the international organizations to our days. The analysis demonstrates that the political and economic structure of the country, while maintaining the features of a “predatory state” (features which are not alleviated but worsened by the distortions brought about by the aid industry), simply do not comply with the definition of a “State”. This result highlights an innate weakness of the aid industry methodological approach that is in fact, fully based on the political archetype of the “State”.