Roger Braun (1910-1981) est un prêtre français qui s’est très tôt intéressé aux juifs, qu’ils soient en France ou en Palestine, au judaïsme et à la culture juive. En 1942, il est nommé Aumônier général adjoint des camps de zone sud et des formations de travailleurs étrangers. Face aux persécutions, il tente de soustraire les internés juifs à l’occupant, cache les enfants, fait son possible pour réunir les familles dispersées, place les vieillards dans des hospices. Il participe au changement de politique de l’Aumônerie en lui permettant d’apporter, en plus d’un secours spirituel, une aide matérielle sans distinction de « race », de religion, de nationalité. Ce faisant, il jette les bases du Secours catholique international (SCI). En 1946, le SCI fusionne avec le Comité catholique de secours de l’Aumônerie des prisonniers de guerre du chanoine Rodhain. L’œuvre de charité confessionnelle ainsi créée adopte le nom de Secours catholique. Après avoir quitté cette instance, en 1957, il reprend son apostolat sous la modalité du dialogue en direction des juifs et d’Israël, aux Cahiers sioniens d’abord, puis en créant sa propre revue : Rencontre chrétiens et juifs. Formation parallèle à l’Amitié judéo-chrétienne, cette revue vise à favoriser la compréhension et le rapprochement entre les fidèles des deux religions. Fervent militant contre l’antisémitisme, il intègre également les rangs de la Ligue internationale contre l’antisémitisme (LICA). Il en devient Président de la Fédération de Paris et membre du Comité directeur. Chevalier de l’Ordre de la Santé publique, premier Français à être distingué par l’État d’Israël pour son rôle en faveur des juifs pendant la Seconde guerre mondiale, « Juste parmi les nations », officier de l’Ordre des Veterans of the Foreign Wars of the United States, chevalier de la Légion d’honneur, récipiendaire du Prix Narcisse Leven contre l’antisémitisme, de la Médaille de Vermeil de la Ville de Paris, ce religieux n’avait curieusement jamais fait l’objet d’aucune étude historique. Ce travail a pour objectif d’établir une biographie la plus exhaustive possible du père Roger Braun, de l’inscrire dans le courant plus large du philosémitisme catholique et de la redécouverte des origines juives du christianisme. Il vise également à comprendre la naissance de l’œuvre de charité catholique et à établir ce qu’a été son action en faveur des étrangers et réfugiés de l’Europe d’après-guerre. / Roger Braun (1910-1981) was a French Jesuit priest who early took an interest in the Jews, coming from France or Palestine, Judaism and Jewish culture.In 1942, he was appointed chaplain assistant to the camps and groups of foreign workers in the “Free France” area (in the south of the country). Responding to persecutions, he tried to save the lives of interned Jews from the Nazi occupiers by releasing them or organizing escapes and hiding children. He did his utmost to bring together members of families dispersed owing to the war and he placed the elderly in the care of hospices.He was involved in the policy change of the Chaplaincy allowing it to provide, in addition to a spiritual help, a material help without any distinction of “race”, religion or nationality. In so doing, he established the basis of an international Catholic Relief Service (Secours Catholique International – SCI). In 1946, the SCI merged with Catholic Relief Committee (Comité Catholique de Secours) belonging to the Canon Rodhain’s Chaplaincy of prisoners of war. The new confessional charity thus created adopted the name of Secours Catholique.In 1957, after leaving this institution, he returned to his apostolate in the form of a dialogue to the Jews and Israel, being involved in the editorial team of the Cahiers Sioniens, and then, creating his own periodical: Rencontre chrétiens et juifs (Meeting/Encounter Christians and Jews). As a parallel creation to the Amitié judéo-chrétienne de France (Judeo-Christian Friendship of France), this periodical aims at improving a mutual understanding between the faithful of both religions and bringing them together. As a fervent opponent to anti-semitism of any kind, he joined the International League Against Anti-semitism (LICA: Ligue Internationale Contre l’Antisémitisme). He became president of its federation in Paris and member of the steering committee.Roger Braun was made a Knight (Chevalier) of the Order of Public Health, the first French to be honored by the State of Israel as “Righteous Among the Nations” for his involvement in favor of the Jews during World War II, Officer of the Order of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, Chevalier of the Legion of Honor, recipient of the Narcisse Leven Award against anti-semitism and of the Médaille Vermeil of the City of Paris. And yet, the work of this religious had never been studied from an historical point of view.This thesis aims at making the most detailed possible biography of Father Roger Braun, to establish his work as a significant part of the philo-semitism trend and the rediscovery of the Jewish roots of Christianity. It also seeks to analyze and understand the birth of this catholic charity and to clarify his action and involvement in favor of the foreigners and the refugees of post-war Europe.

Dada sua definição e a forma como opera na atualidade, o refúgio pode ser caracterizado por dois momentos: o anterior à determinação do status de refugiado - o qual congrega as condições de vida que levam à fuga e legitimam o reconhecimento como refugiado -; e o posterior - o qual consiste das condições de vida no país de acolhida (a chamada fase de proteção). O instituto do refúgio vincula dois âmbitos que visam garantir a proteção internacional do indivíduo: o regime internacional dos direitos humanos e o regime internacional dos refugiados. Atualmente, tem-se reconhecido a relação entre essas duas esferas, principalmente no que se refere à aproximação histórica e filosófica, contudo, ainda há posicionamentos que defendem a não-existência de tal vinculação. Esse trabalho visa desenvolver uma análise sobre a relação existente entre direitos humanos e refúgio nos momentos anterior e posterior à determinação do status de refugiado. Em relação ao primeiro, visando demonstrar a impossibilidade de desvinculação entre a concepção contemporânea da proteção internacional dos refugiados e o reconhecimento e a garantia dos direitos humanos, argumenta-se, a partir de uma revisão bibliográfica, que a violação de direitos humanos é sempre o motivo que leva à determinação da condição de refugiado. No que concerne ao segundo, visamos analisar como o ACNUR, principal organismo para o trato da questão, tem se manifestado em relação aos direitos humanos dos refugiados nos países de acolhida - partindo do exame de algumas de suas publicações e apontando como a política internacional tem se configurado como fator central para a forma como o ACNUR se expressa em relação à violação desses direitos nos países de refúgio. / Given its definition and the way it operates in the present, the refuge can be characterized by two moments: the one before the refugee status determination process - which comprises the life conditions that lead to the flight and justify the admission of a refugee in another country -; and the one after this process - which consists of the life conditions in the asylum country (the so-called protection phase). The refuge bonds two domains which aim to assure the international protection: the human rights international regime and the refugee international regime. Presently, it has been recognized that there is a fundamental tie between these two spheres, mainly in relation to the historical and philosophical approximation, nevertheless, there still are opinions which advocates against such linking. This research aims to develop an analysis about the relation that exists between human rights and refuge in the moments before and after the refugee status determination. In respect to the first, aiming to demonstrate the impossibility of disconnecting the contemporaneous concept of international protection and the recognition and guarantee of human rights, starting from a bibliographic review, it is argued that the human rights violation is always the reason that yields to the refugee status determination. Regarding the second one, we aim to analyze how the UNHCR, main organization for dealing with the issue, has manifested its opinions about the refugee human rights in the asylum countries - using as parameter some of its publications and revealing how the world politics has been a key factor to the way this agency expresses itself respecting to the rights violations in the asylum countries.

This thesis examines, empirically, the securitization of aid delivery at the Dadaab refugee camps in Kenya. Through a series of semi-structured interviews with aid workers, it documents their security concerns, organizatinonal responses to security risks, and discusses the impacts of these concerns and responses on the delivery of aid to the camps. Armed with a biopolitical conceptualization of sovereignty, articulated in the human security paradigm, the humanitarian aid industry has increasingly reached beyond national borders to touch ‘bare life.’ By now, it is widely recognized that humanitarian principles such as neutrality have often failed to protect aid workers from violent attack as they increasingly venture into the world inhabited by “surplus populations.” Drawing on existing research, this study demonstrates how humanitarian aid delivery in high-risk environments, like refugee camps, is essential to the broader task of using aid to securitize and contain high-risk populations and political instability. Paradoxically, without the securitization of aid at the operational level, humanitarian workers are left exposed to the same enduring elements of insecurity that persistently threaten the lives of those they endeavor to help.

Research about what differences and similarities exists between UNHCR and UNRWA in the opinion of a refugee? This examination focuses on a study between The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and THE United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Both organizations are UN-related and are in charge of refugees, however they differ by the fact the UNHCR controls all of the world’s refugees with the exception of the Palestinian refugees, for which UNRWA. The aim of this work will be to examine the definition of refugees as well as their entitlements and in what way they differ depending on which organization they belong to. As theory I have, among others, used Rainer Bauböck’s book ” Transnational Citizenship”. In his writing he focuses on entitlements and this book became very useful in my work and helped with the structure of the paper. In conclusion, even though there is some resemblance in the aspect of a refugee’s entitlements, there are a lot of differences between UNHCR and UNRWA, mainly regarding the definition of a refugee but also in terms of assignments. What’s most noticeable when it comes to differences between these two organs is that UNHCR has mandate to assist with international protection and to seek permanent solutions for refugees. The mandate of UNRWA is limited to only assist Palestinian refugees with humanitarian assistance. UNRWA has been criticized to contribute directly to Palestinian dreams of return instead of accepting incorporation of refugees in neigbouring Arab countries.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-13T19:19:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Daniel Castanheira do Amaral Gonçalves.pdf: 64867867 bytes, checksum: aec28662296c219afd8550ddf11ca730 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-13T19:19:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Daniel Castanheira do Amaral Gonçalves.pdf: 64867867 bytes, checksum: aec28662296c219afd8550ddf11ca730 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-17 / CAPES / This study aims to analyze the impacts of the UN’s integration policies over the humanitarian space, based on the High Commissioner of the United Nations for Refugees (UNHCR). It presents the development of such policies, exposing it as a direct result of a process of reform that sought to bring more coherence to the UN system’s action in favor of peace-building, intending to avoid the repetition of failures such as Rwanda and Srebrenica, which occurred during the 1990s peace operations. It analyzes, furthermore, the relation between the UNHCR’s mandate and the humanitarian space, exposing that the concept of the later, as used by the agency and by other humanitarian actors, favors a space destined to humanitarian action promoted by humanitarian actors in a neutral, impartial and absent form and with political influence. Nevertheless, questioning the possibility of completely divorcing the humanitarian action from politics, it is proposed that the humanitarian space be understood as an arena in which several actors negotiate its interests, world perspectives and operational objectives. This concept would allow to conciliate the heterogeneous nature of the humanitarian system and better understand not only the operational reality of humanitarian action, but also the threats to the humanitarian space represented by the integration policy. To explain and analyze these threats, it is used the five areas of humanitarian space - as identified by the United Nations Integration Steering Group - to assess how integration affects the humanitarian space: humanitarian security; humanitarian access; engagement with non-state armed actors; perceptions of humanitarian actors; and humanitarian advocacy. At the end, an analyses is made of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), a mission that since its genesis was structured under the precepts of integration, with the purpose of assess the impacts of integration on the humanitarian space in the Liberian using the five areas aforementioned. It attempts, therefore, to analyze if the UN integrated missions can expand the humanitarian space for UNHCR. It is, therefore, a documentary analysis - from UNHCR authored files - and a field study, in which data was collected through semi-structured interviews conducted with six UNHCR officers who served in Liberia and were interviewed at March 2015. It was used, moreover, scientific articles, books and academic dissertations obtained through electronic and bibliographic sources. It was concluded that in Liberia the integrated mission had a positive impact on the humanitarian space and that it facilitated the humanitarian action. It is proposed, by the end, that the use of the concept of the humanitarian space as an arena and the strategic engagement promoted by the humanitarian actors with political and military actors would allow humanitarian agencies to offer a stronger protection for those who benefit from their actions. Additionally, it would also better protect humanitarian interests in face of perceived threats that integration may represent to the humanitarian space. / O presente trabalho se propõe a analisar os impactos da política de integração da ONU sobre o espaço humanitário, tomando como base o Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para Refugiados (ACNUR). Apresenta-se o desenvolvimento da política, expondo-a como resultado direto de um processo de reforma que buscou trazer mais coerência para as ações do Sistema ONU em benefício da consolidação da paz, com o intuito de evitar-se a repetição de falhas como as de Ruanda e Srebrenica, ocorridas nas operações de paz dos 1990. Analisa-se, ademais, a relação do mandato do ACNUR com o espaço humanitário, expondo que o conceito deste espaço utilizado pela agência, bem como por outros atores humanitários, privilegia um espaço destinado à ação humanitária prestada por atores humanitários de forma neutra, imparcial e sem influências políticas. No entanto, questionando-se a possibilidade de se divorciar integralmente a ação humanitária da política, propõe-se que o espaço humanitário seja entendido como uma arena, na qual diversos atores negociam interesses, perspectivas de mundo e objetivos operacionais. Este conceito permitiria conciliar a realidade heterogênea do sistema humanitário e compreender melhor não apenas a realidade operacional da ação humanitária, mas também as ameaças ao espaço humanitário representadas pela política de integração. Para a explicação e análise destas ameaças, utilizam-se as cinco áreas do espaço humanitário - conforme identificadas pelo Grupo das Nações Unidas de Direção da Integração - para avaliar como a integração ameaçaria o espaço humanitário: a segurança dos atores humanitários; o acesso humanitário; a interação com atores armados não-estatais; as percepções dos atores humanitários por atores locais; e a advocacia humanitária. Faz-se, ao fim, um estudo da Missão das Nações Unidas na Libéria (UNMIL), operação de paz estruturada desde sua gênese sob os preceitos da integração, com o propósito de analisar o impacto da integração no espaço humanitário dentro do contexto liberiano, utilizando as cinco áreas anteriormente identificadas. Intenta-se, deste modo, analisar se as missões integradas da ONU permitem expandir o espaço humanitário para o ACNUR. Trata-se, portanto, de um estudo de análise documental - em arquivos de autoria do ACNUR - e de um estudo de campo, no qual se colheram dados por meio de entrevistas semi-dirigidas feitas com funcionários do ACNUR que atuaram na Libéria e que foram entrevistados em março de 2015. Utilizaram-se, ainda, artigos científicos, livros e dissertações acadêmicas obtidas por meio de fontes eletrônicas e bibliográficas. Conclui-se que, na Libéria, a missão integrada teve um impacto positivo no espaço humanitário e facilitou a ação humanitária. Propõem-se, ao final, que o uso do conceito de espaço humanitário como arena e o engajamento estratégico por parte dos atores humanitários com atores políticos e militares permitiriam às agências humanitárias oferecer maior proteção aos beneficiários de suas ações, bem como melhor defender os interesses humanitários em face das ameaças percebidas que a integração representaria ao espaço humanitário.

Submitted by Josiane ribeiro (josiane.caic@gmail.com) on 2016-03-31T18:58:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tese andre_laborde_ea.pdf: 3698941 bytes, checksum: c8857e1e8258d26774f2478ef3170ff9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-31T18:58:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese andre_laborde_ea.pdf: 3698941 bytes, checksum: c8857e1e8258d26774f2478ef3170ff9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / O presente estudo tem por finalidade abordar sobre a temática dos refugiados sobre o prisma da educação ambiental em uma perspectiva ética. A intenção deste estudo é poder identificar qual o lugar do refugiado em nossa sociedade e a função social do Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para os Refugiados (ACNUR) no processo de proteger os direitos humanos das populações que vivem constantes deslocamentos em função de conflitos políticos e devastações ambientais, causadas pelas alterações climáticas que afetam nosso planeta. O problema de pesquisa apresentado por esta investigação discorre sobre: É possível afirmar sob um viés autoético que a política de direitos humanos promove a proteção da vida das populações diante das catástrofes ambientais? A hipótese/tese apresentada por esta pesquisa é de que a autoética, direitos humanos e educação ambiental se constituem em uma triunidade da civilidade da coexistência entre os seres humanos entre si e estes com o meio ambiente, tendo na “vida” elemento ético comum. Com esse questionamento procuramos estabelecer conexões com a política de ajuda humanitária da ONU para aproximar a questão da humanidade como um elemento para a investigação à educação ambiental. Nesse sentido, a questão da vida entra como elemento que justifica a preocupação em estudar sobre a problemática dos refugiados em uma proposta Autoética. O procedimento metodológico adotado foi a partir da construção de cartografias que foram construídas e tecidas com as informações dos artefatos midiáticos, documentos e as demais notícias contidas no site do ACNUR. Assim, é possível pensar que a vida e a condição humana por requerer sua garantia de sobrevivência é uma causa que a educação ambiental, neste contexto deve começar a se preocupar. Os refugiados são as pessoas mais vulneráveis desse mundo, e, portanto merecem nosso respeito e atenção. / The present research have the objective to aboard about the refuges theme around the optic of the environmental education in co-relation of the ethic perspective. The intention of these research is could be to identify the place of the refugee in our society and the social function of the United Nation Higher Commissariat to the Refugees (UNHCR) on the process to protect the human rights of the populations they leave in constant displacement because of the political conflicts and environmental devastations, caused by the climate changes they affect our planet. The research’s problem presented by this investigation is about: It’s possible to affirm under a bias self ethical the policy human rights to promote the protection of life of the populations in front of the environmental catastrophes? The hypothesis/thesis presented by these research is about the auto ethics, human rights and environmental education they constitute on the triunity of the civility of the coexistence between the human been and themselves and together with the environment, having in their “lives” the ethical common elemental . With these questioning we seek to establish connections with the ONU aid policy to approach the question of humanity. As an Elemental of investigation to environmental education. Accordingly, the life’s question enter like a Elemental that justify the preoccupation in studying about the problem of the refugees on a auto ethic proposal. The methodological procedure adopted was started of the construction of the cartographies that was made and woven with the information of the artifacts midiatic, documents and other news inside the site of UNHCR. So, it’s possible to think in life and her human conditionally request of survival warranty it’s a cause of environmental education , on this context we must to start to concern. The refugees are the most people vulnerable of this world, and, therefore they deserve our respect and attention. / El presente estudio tiene como objetivo abordar el tema de los refugiados en el prisma de la educación ambiental en una perspectiva ética. La intención de este estudio es identificar el lugar en el que refugiados en nuestra sociedad y la función social del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados (ACNUR) en el proceso de protección de los derechos humanos de las personas que viven desplazamientos constantes debido a los conflictos políticos y devastaciones ambiental, causado por el cambio climático que afecta a nuestro planeta. El problema de investigación presentado en esta investigación se describe: Se puede argumentar que bajo um enfoque autoético la política de derechos humanos promueve la protección de la vida de las poblaciones frente a catástrofes ambientales? La tesis hipótesis / presentado por esta investigación es que autoética, los derechos humanos y la educación ambiental constituyen una civilidad triunidad de la convivencia entre los humanos y estos junto con el medio ambiente, y el elemento ético común de la "vida". Con esta pregunta se busca establecer conexiones con la política de enfoque humanitario de la ONU para la cuestión de la humanidad como un elemento a la investigación en educación ambiental. En este sentido, la cuestión de la vida entra como elemento que justifica la preocupación en el estudio sobre la situación de los refugiados en un Autoética propuesta. El método utilizado se basa en la construcción de las asignaciones que se han construido y se teje con la información de los artefactos multimedia, documentos y noticias de otro sitio que figura en el ACNUR. Así, es posible pensar que la vida y la condición humana, al exigir una garantía de supervivencia es la causa de que la educación ambiental en este contexto debería empezar a preocuparse. Los refugiados son las personas más vulnerables en este mundo, y por lo tanto merecen nuestro respeto y atención.

Dada sua definição e a forma como opera na atualidade, o refúgio pode ser caracterizado por dois momentos: o anterior à determinação do status de refugiado - o qual congrega as condições de vida que levam à fuga e legitimam o reconhecimento como refugiado -; e o posterior - o qual consiste das condições de vida no país de acolhida (a chamada fase de proteção). O instituto do refúgio vincula dois âmbitos que visam garantir a proteção internacional do indivíduo: o regime internacional dos direitos humanos e o regime internacional dos refugiados. Atualmente, tem-se reconhecido a relação entre essas duas esferas, principalmente no que se refere à aproximação histórica e filosófica, contudo, ainda há posicionamentos que defendem a não-existência de tal vinculação. Esse trabalho visa desenvolver uma análise sobre a relação existente entre direitos humanos e refúgio nos momentos anterior e posterior à determinação do status de refugiado. Em relação ao primeiro, visando demonstrar a impossibilidade de desvinculação entre a concepção contemporânea da proteção internacional dos refugiados e o reconhecimento e a garantia dos direitos humanos, argumenta-se, a partir de uma revisão bibliográfica, que a violação de direitos humanos é sempre o motivo que leva à determinação da condição de refugiado. No que concerne ao segundo, visamos analisar como o ACNUR, principal organismo para o trato da questão, tem se manifestado em relação aos direitos humanos dos refugiados nos países de acolhida - partindo do exame de algumas de suas publicações e apontando como a política internacional tem se configurado como fator central para a forma como o ACNUR se expressa em relação à violação desses direitos nos países de refúgio. / Given its definition and the way it operates in the present, the refuge can be characterized by two moments: the one before the refugee status determination process - which comprises the life conditions that lead to the flight and justify the admission of a refugee in another country -; and the one after this process - which consists of the life conditions in the asylum country (the so-called protection phase). The refuge bonds two domains which aim to assure the international protection: the human rights international regime and the refugee international regime. Presently, it has been recognized that there is a fundamental tie between these two spheres, mainly in relation to the historical and philosophical approximation, nevertheless, there still are opinions which advocates against such linking. This research aims to develop an analysis about the relation that exists between human rights and refuge in the moments before and after the refugee status determination. In respect to the first, aiming to demonstrate the impossibility of disconnecting the contemporaneous concept of international protection and the recognition and guarantee of human rights, starting from a bibliographic review, it is argued that the human rights violation is always the reason that yields to the refugee status determination. Regarding the second one, we aim to analyze how the UNHCR, main organization for dealing with the issue, has manifested its opinions about the refugee human rights in the asylum countries - using as parameter some of its publications and revealing how the world politics has been a key factor to the way this agency expresses itself respecting to the rights violations in the asylum countries.

It is common by states to deny asylum for asylum-seekers with the argument that the applicant could find protection within their own country of residence instead of receiving international protection. This is called internal protection alternative (IPA). This research is a comparative case study and aims to explore and compare two neighbouring countries, Sweden and Norway, on how their immigration authorities differ in their assessment on both the security situation and IPA in Afghanistan. Furthermore, this thesis aims to compare the Swedish and Norwegian immigration authorities with international laws, agreements and guidelines which, therefore, is the conceptional framework for this research. This study concludes that IPA is not mentioned in the 1951 Refugee Convention and that there are no clear directives on how to apply it. States tend to interpret the already existing laws and guidelines in their own way. The result of this is that there are differences between states practice and the consequence could be that asylum-seekers could receive different assessments and decisions from different countries. This research is, therefore, highly relevant from a humanitarian- and academia perspective as it highlights differences in national practice which is crucial since these differences will affect the refugee situation of individuals and the possibility of obtaining asylum.

Refugee camps have long been considered places of extreme population control. Yet the Za’atari camp, created in Jordan in 2012, soon became famous for frequent refugee demonstrations, sit-ins and stone-throwing. This important capacity for mobilization has been linked to the informal leadership network of ‘street leaders’ that emerged a few months after the camps’ creation (Clarke, 2018). This network challenges the representations of refugees as voiceless victims, and questions the ability of aid organizations to foster community empowerment. It also highlights the power implications of regular organizational practices in refugee camps, and showing how NGOs affect their beneficiaries, it is relevant to the discussion of downward accountability. Thus, studying Za’atari’s power dynamics is crucial to identify conditions of refugee empowerment and improve downward accountability frameworks. In this thesis, this analysis of power dynamics is undertaken with the four-dimensional framework developed by Lukes (1974) and following scholars, which has never been used on refugee camps. The first dimension has to do with individual capacity to influence other’s choices, the second with the limits brought by institutional practices, the third with the meanings assigned to behaviors and the fourth with the socialization processes that teach self-discipline. The thesis studies how a four-dimensional analysis of Za’ataricamp can capture both the extent of camp authorities’ control on residents and the refugees’ capacity to empower themselves. Through the analysis of organizational, journalistic and academic literature, it identifies dimensions of power exercised by and on the camp’s actors at two moments: the street leaders’ rise, and the difficulties of a governance plan implemented to reestablish control. The thesis shows that street leaders were allowed to emerge due to limits in the camp governance’s first dimension and inability to use the second and third dimension, which street leaders, as part of thecommunity, could yield. Moreover, the governance’s plan to restore control encountered difficulties because it was founded on a restrictive one-dimensional view of power linked to the perception of street leaders as mafia-like bosses, refugees as helpless victims and camps as places of containment and order, limiting the authorities’ third dimension. By identifying new factors that were not present in other studies of Za’atari, the findings demonstrate the relevance of the framework to render the complexity of humanitarian settings and encourages its use on other cases. It also reminds the need for aid professionals to work with their beneficiaries’ agency to provide quality services.

The impacts and influences of globalised digitalisation has increased its presence within the political structures of both international economic and international security regimes, and the rise of e-governance systems and digital security technology has probed IR scholarship to study this policy shift from traditional forms of governance to digital ones. Less considered here is how digitalisation has been extended to the international humanitarian governance regime. Digital tools are increasingly being produced and employed within international humanitarian interventions. However, despite the rapid mobilisation of these digital technologies, humanitarian crises and their corresponding interventions are becoming more frequent and more prolonged and the assumed benefits of these well-intending digital tools are failing to improve the lives of their beneficiaries. While evaluations of these interventions are not lacking, the preoccupation of material, quantitative assessments of humanitarian missions erroneously neglect the perspectives and experiences of their intended beneficiaries. In this regard, the paper seeks to problematize the methods in which humanitarian practitioners produce and implement their digital aid in a critical study into the political and normative structures which shape the design of digitised humanitarian governance. Post Colonial theory is recalled as a central, anchoring framework from which its concepts of racialisation, hegemonic identity reconstruction, and exploitation will be theory-tested via public policy analysis to the research’s case study. Here, the ‘neutrality’ of humanitarian governance is debunked, and hidden lineages of coloniality within the UNHCR’s mandate in the Rohingya refugee emergency are brought to the fore.