Industry growth and the reduction of available seasonal labour in New Zealand’s horticulture and viticulture industries led to a collaboration with the government in 2005, and the formation of a seasonal labour strategy for the future, the Recognised Seasonal Employer Scheme (RSE) was launched in 2007. The objectives of this policy were twofold: to fill labour gaps of the horticulture and viticulture industries and to promote economic development in Pacific Island states by prioritising workers from the region. Different actors have different aims, and different measure for success. In order for this scheme to be successful for the New Zealand government it needs to meet theses policy objectives of supplying reliable labour to the industries, and increasing economic development in the Pacific. For Pacific island states success depends on the continuity of the scheme, and the remittances that workers will send home to aid economic development. For the industries success comes from having a dependable and controllable labour force. Success for the workers in the scheme relies on them making as much money as possible during the season to meet their goals of financing family and community needs. In order to achieve these various successes workers are made unfree. Unfreedom means that the workers have no freedom in the labour market and are restricted to working for the grower stipulated in the employment contract. Conditions of employment contracts, visa regulations and informal pressures to be ‘good’ men both at work and in free time from the Vanuatu government, men’s home communities and industry participants all work to limit the men’s freedom, which is entrenched largely through threats of being sent home or blacklisted from the scheme. Workers are aware of the mechanisms used to control them and they do resist some of the conditions imposed, but only in a limited way that will not see them excluded from the scheme. Using the anthropological approach of participation observation this research was undertaken in the first season of the RSE scheme 2007/2008, where I lived and worked with 22 ni-Vanuatu migrant workers in Central Otago to gain knowledge of how, they and others in the industry experienced the RSE scheme.

The province of Ontario is the primary focus of a growing body of research discussing migrant agricultural labour in Canada. This thesis shifts the focus of inquiry to Quebec, a province that has not received the attention it warrants, given that it is “home” to the second largest temporary migrant population in Canada. Currently, Mexicans constitute the bulk of labourers contracted through the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP). With the establishment in 2003 of the Foreign Worker Program (FWP), however, the number of Guatemalans on the Quebec scene has increased significantly. The situation of workers from both countries is addressed in the form of a case study of St. Rémi. The thesis argues that the migrant experience in St. Rémi is characterized by a struggle to cope with: (1) an “unfree” labour status; (2) social and geographical isolation; and (3) lack of social assistance and community acknowledgement. An attempt is made to give migrant workers a voice, since their contribution for the most part is either unknown or unappreciated. The support system now in place in St. Rémi affords migrants some minimal rights, but much remains to be done, in Quebec and across Canada, to make the plight of workers better known and their situation improved. / Thesis (Master, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2007-09-27 22:28:11.532

The problems of forced labour and degrading work persist within modern sectors of contemporary economies. This presents both a practical and a theoretical challenge, as reflected in the literature on new slavery and on unfree labour. Analysis of the production networks within which forced labour and degrading work are found, however, has yet to form a central theme within these bodies of literature. This thesis contributes to filling the above-mentioned gap in the literature by exploring the role of the labour dynamics of production networks in two cases of 'slave labour' in Brazil. The first case involves internal migrant workers in sugar cane while the second case involves cross-border migrants in garment workshops. The thesis addresses the question of whether, and how, the labour dynamics of production networks contribute to 'slave labour' and degrading work in the Brazilian sugar cane and garment sectors. The analysis is a cross-disciplinary one, rooted in development studies but also drawing on economic geography, sociology and economics. A case study method is used, relying principally on archival sources, a focus group and semi-stuctured interviews. Drawing on and developing the Global Production Network (GPN) framework, dynamics of production networks are conceived of as sets of power relations which structure the constraints and opportunities for the various actors who negotiate within them. These interlocking sets of relations include, among others: relations between workers, producers, suppliers, buyers, market intermediaries, civil society groups and the state. The labour dynamics of production networks are the subset of these dynamics involving or impacting relations between workers and employers and thereby structuring conditions of employment. Conditions of employment for migrant workers are examined in each case to show how these constitute 'slave labour.' Degrading conditions and restricted freedoms are found to exist to different degrees and along a number of dimensions. At the extreme, these conditions are labelled 'slave labour' in Brazil. It is argued that 'slave labour' in these cases is therefore a symptom of a wider problem of degrading work. The labour dynamics of production networks are analysed to reveal how producers at labour-intensive stages of production in both cases face increased levels of competition, and their strategies in response to these pressures intersect with the strategies of migrant workers and labour market intermediaries to produce outcomes of 'slave labour' and degrading work. Race, gender and migration status play a complex role in creating categories of workers vulnerable to degrading work and 'slave labour,' drawing attention to the way that production is necessarily embedded in particular socio-economic contexts. The analysis highlights the importance of accounting for and intervening in production networks within efforts to address 'slave labour' and degrading work.

No description available.

This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action. ¶ It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured “coloured labour”. Chinese people were seen as a strategic threat to Anglo-Australian control of the continent, and this fear was sharpened in the mid-1880s when China was seen as a rising military power, and a necessary ally for Britain in its global rivalry with Russia. The second ruling class agenda was the building of a modern industrial economy, which might be threatened by industries resting on indentured labour in the north. The third agenda was the desire to construct an homogenous people, which was seen as necessary for containing social discontent and allowing “free institutions”, such as parliamentary democracy. ¶ These agendas, and the ruling class interests behind them, challenged other major ruling class interests and ideologies. The result was a series of dilemmas and conflicts within the ruling class, and the resolution of these moved the colonial governments towards the White Australia policy of 1901. The thesis therefore describes the conflict over the use of Pacific Islanders by pastoralists in Queensland, the campaign for indentured Indian labour by sugar planters and the radical strategy of submerging this into a campaign for North Queensland separation, and the strike and anti-Chinese campaign in opposition to the use of Chinese workers by the Australasian Steam Navigation Company in 1878. The first White Australia policy of 1888 was the outcome of three separate struggles by the majority of the Anglo-Australian ruling class—to narrowly restrict the use of indentured labour in Queensland, to assert the right of the colonies to decide their collective immigration policies independently of Britain, and to force South Australia to accept the end of Chinese immigration into its Northern Territory. The dominant elements in the ruling class had already agreed that any serious move towards federation was to be conditional on the building of a white, predominantly British, population across the whole continent, and in 1888 they imposed that policy on their own societies and the British government.

Diese Dissertation folgt Fernando Pó Arbeitskraftanwerbern wohin sie auch gingen dort, wo sie zwischen den 1860er und 1920er Jahren den gesamten Golf von Guinea überquerten und hauptsächlich Kru von Liberien und Fang von Rio Muni, Kamerun und Gabon anwarben; und dort, wo sie ab den 1930er bis 1960er Jahren vor allem um die Bucht von Biafra eine noch nie dagewesene Anzahl an Vertragsarbeitern, vor allem Igbos und Ibibios aus dem südöstlichen Nigeria auf die florierenden Kakaoplantagen der Insel brachten. Die Anwerber tauchten vornehmlich als eine Modalität auf, die ich als ‘tout’ beschreibe und theoretisiere. Diese operierten fast ausschließlich mittels eines Exzesses an Sprache und Geld mittels Täuschung und informellen Vorschüssen. Zwar agierten sie ‘außerhalb’ des Rechts, doch erlaubte genau die Vertragsform von Fernando Pó, die langfristig und unwiderruflich zur Arbeit zwang, den Anwerbern die Ausübung ihrer Techniken. Eine Reihe an unerlaubten Verdrehungen wurden geschaffen und durchgereicht: Quasi-Versklavung durch Täuschung in Form von Kidnapping, Quasi-Schuldknechtschaft mittels informellen Lohnvorschüssen, die die Verträge ermöglichten sowie die grenz- und Arbeitsort überschreitende Migration einer relativ freien, allerdings flüchtigen Arbeitskraft. Der anhaltende Blick auf die ambivalenten Praktiken der Anwerber legt eine Reihe an Nebeneinandern von ‚frei’ und ‚unfrei’ offen, was kreative Potentiale für deren Intensivierung und Auflösung schuf, und über einzelne Punkten entlang eines Spektrums der freien-unfreien Arbeit hinausgeht. / This dissertation follows Fernando Pó’s labour recruiters wherever they went— between the 1860s and 1920s recruiters traversed the entirety of the Gulf of Guinea and enlisted mostly Kru from Liberia and Fang from Rio Muni, Cameroon and Gabon; between the 1930s to 1960s they gathered particularly around the Bight of Biafra and brought an unprecedented number of contract workers into the island’s booming cacao plantations, mostly Igbos and Ibibios from south-eastern Nigeria. Recruiters tended to appear in a modality that I will describe and theorize as ‘touts’. They operated almost exclusively with an excess of language and money—deceit and informal advances. They operated ‘outside’ the law and the regulated, yet it was only the shape of the contract on Fernando Pó—forced, long and irrevocable—that allowed recruiters to deploy their techniques. Recruiters created and relayed a series of wholly impermissible twists: quasi-enslavement through fraud that was a form of kidnapping, quasi-debt bondage with informal wage advances enabled by the contracts, and even a movement of really quite free but fugitive labour across borders and work-sites. A sustained attention on the ambivalent practices of recruiters reveal a series of juxtapositions of free and unfree that produced creative potentials for intensification and unravelling, rather than single points along a ‘free-unfree’ labour spectrum.