Efficient unification is considered within the context of logic programming. Unification is explained in terms of equivalence classes made up of terms, where there is a constraint that no equivalence class may contain more than one function term. It is demonstrated that several well-known "efficient" but nonlinear unification algorithms continually maintain the said constraint as a consequence of their choice of data structure for representing equivalence classes. The linearity of the Paterson-Wegman unification algorithm is shown largely to be a consequence of its use of unbounded lists of pointers for representing equivalences between terms, which allows it to avoid the nonlinearity of "union-find".

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Cette étude porte sur les influences réciproques du « Plan Poggi » (projet d’agrandissement de Florence) et des relations diplomatiques, politiques, militaires et économiques entre l’Italie et les Puissances européennes, en particulier la France et le Saint-Siège, depuis la « Convention de Septembre » 1864 jusqu’à la « Porta Pia » en 1870, puis le transfert de la capitale à Rome en 1871. Viendra ensuite une analyse de l’état d’esprit de la population face aux bouleversements économiques et sociaux entraînés par l'arrivée du gouvernement, à travers les témoignages des acteurs politiques, des habitants, de l’architecture, de l’art, de la littérature, de la Presse. Enfin, sera analysée l'influence de ces modifications urbaines, sociales, sur les mentalités, sur la perception du patrimoine culturel et historique. En conclusion, sera menée une analyse des conséquences de la perte du statut de capitale sur les mentalités et les projets d'urbanisme, avec en particulier la « Question Florentine », concernant le subventionnement par l'Etat d'une partie des travaux liés aux institutions gouvernementales, encore non achevés au départ de la capitale, qui vont grever les finances de la municipalité, jusqu'à la mener à la faillite dans les années 1880.Il a été mené une accentuation de la recherche sur les questions militaires, qui sont d'une grande importance à l'époque ; en effet, le transfert de la capitale de Turin à Florence conduit à repenser totalement le système stratégique de l'Etat-Major militaire italien, ainsi que le système de défense de la ville promue au rang de capitale (ainsi qu'à réduire sensiblement celui de Turin, qui peut cependant rester une importante base d'attaque contre l'ennemi Autrichien) : les manœuvres de 1869 en sont l'exemple concret. L' accentuation des revendications en, et sur la Vénétie (qui conduiront à la guerre en 1866) provoquent un basculement stratégique : le bas-Pô gagne en importance par rapport au Mincio. L'armée est ainsi une des clés de la concrétisation des projets urbanistiques du Risanamento Florentin, imposant sa marque dans le paysage, par la construction de casernes (parfois aux dépends d'équipement de salubrité publique), et la planification d'importantes zones d'exercices militaires, le Campo di Marte dont la localisation fera l'objet de nombreuses polémiques et discussions. La réorganisation de Florence en ville vitrine du nouveau royaume, de la nouvelle Italie unitaire et de la nouvelle bourgeoisie libérale doit également (comme à Paris) être une ville permettant des manœuvres militaires efficaces et faciles.Il s'agira également d'étudier dans quelle mesure les opérations et la stratégie militaires ont conditionné la construction des infrastructures ferroviaires, autre point important de l'urbanisme de Florence capitale, avec les débats sur la construction et la localisation d'une nouvelle gare en remplacement de l'ancienne, et désaffectée, Stazione Leopolda : la localisation des voies conditionne l'urbanisme, mais subit des contraintes stratégiques, Florence devenant rapidement (même si la ville avait déjà joué un rôle similaire, quoiqu'à une bien moindre mesure en 1859 contre l'Autriche, avec l'arrivée massive de volontaires venus s'enrôler en ville) un carrefour ferroviaire (et routier) permettant de faire remonter vers le Nord le gros de l'armée italienne, employée au début des années 1860 dans le Sud pour réprimer le Brigantismo. / This study concerns the mutual influences of the "Plan Poggi" (project of Florence's enlargement) and diplomatic, political, military and economic relations between Italy and the European Powers, particularly France and Holy See, since the 1864 " September Convention " until the breach of " Porta Pia " in 1870, and the transfer of the capital city in Rome in 1871. An analysis of the population's state of mind in front of economic and social upheavals pulled by the arrival of the government, through political actors, inhabitants, architecture, art, literature and Press testimonies will come then. Finally, the influence of these urban, social modifications on the mentalities, on the perception of the cultural and historic heritage will be analyzed. In conclusion, will come an analysis of the consequences of the loss of the status of capital city on the mentalities and on the urban planning projects, with in particular the "Florentine Question ", e.g the subsidization by the State of a part of the works bound to the governmental institutions, still not finished when the capital city leaves Florence, which are going to burden the finances of the municipality, and lead it to bankruptcy in the 1880s. An accentuation of the research on the military questions, which are of a big importance for the period, seems important; actually, the transfer of the capital city from Turin to Florence leads to totally rethink the strategic system of the Italian military General commandment, as well as the defensive system of the city promoted to the rank of capital (as well as to drastically reduce Turin's own, which however remain an important base for attacks against the Austrian enemy): the 1869 military exercise are the concrete example. The accentuation of the claiming for Venetia (which will drive to the war in 1866) provokes a strategic shift: the Lower Po Valley grows importance compared to the Mincio. The army is one of the keys of the realization of the urbanisation projects of Florentine Risanamento, posing its marks in the landscape, by the construction of barracks (sometimes at the expense of public health equipment), and the planning of important zones of military exercises, e.g the "Campo di Marte" whose localization will be object of numerous debates and discussions. Florence's reorganization in model town of the new kingdom, the new unitarian Italy and the new liberal bourgeoisie also owes (as in Paris) to be a city allowing effective and easy military operations.It will also be a question of studying to what extent the military operations and the strategy conditioned the construction of the railroad infrastructures, other important point of the town planning of Florence, with the debates on the construction and the location of a new station as a replacement of the former, and closed down, Stazione Leopolda: the location of circulation ways determines the town planning, but has to face strategic constraints, as Florence quickly becoming (even if the city had already played a similar role, although in a much lesser measure in 1859 against Austria, with the volunteers' massive arrival coming to enlist in the army) a railway and road junction allowing to make the main part of the Italian army go back to the north, used since the beginning of 1860s on the south to repress the Brigantismo.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Since 1945 the state now known as the Federal Republic of Germany has experienced: • quadripartite military occupation • . division into two states organised in line with Cold War polarity • the construction and fortification of a brutal border and (following an unforeseen chain of events) • a spectacular dismantling of that order and the subsequent re-joining of the previously divided parts. Following that, there has been an alignment and absorption of the newly created single state into the framework of Western democracy in its broadest sense. The process of the British accommodation to these changing German identities represents the main themes of these collected publications. Together, they seek to portray the complexity of the role Britain has played in constructing, managing and accepting this accommodation. Individually, they chart steps along the way. Though attention has rightly been paid elsewhere to the variety of roles and policy positions adopted by the two German states and by the new single one via-A-vis relations with other European states, the impact of these on relations with Germany's former victors from World War Two and subsequent allies, East or West, represents a more recently identified area for research. These collected publications seek to highlight, from a post-unification perspective, major milestones in the development of relations between Britain and Germany since 1945. They deal with the two major problematics of the Cold War period and its dramatic end with the fall of the Berlin Wall on 9/10 November 1989, namely the questions of British attitudes to German (re-)unification and the appropriate way to deal with the GDR, both before and after diplomatic recognition. Also covered are the themes of the British contribution to the construction of German democracy in the immediate post-war period and the benefits, tensions and conflicts deriving from more recent developments in bilateral business relationships. Further themes relate to the role of the print media in representing these topic areas, and to new insights derived from archive research into GDR policy towards the West.

This thesis deals with the question of whether the Canadian government was a partner or an onlooker in the diplomatic process of German unification at the end of the Cold War. Rather than focusing on the major powers that were directly involved in determining the external aspects of German unity, Canada’s involvement as a middle power is explored. Canadian participation in ending the Cold War can be traced back to Trudeau’s efforts to further détente. Canada facilitated the international relaxing of tensions until the election of the Mulroney government. The shift in foreign policy revealed the reluctance of the new government to soften hostilities. As a result, the Mulroney government endorsed the American and West German agenda for German unification since it positioned a united Germany as a security and economic partner in the western alliance against the Soviet Union and strengthened Canadian security in the post-Cold War period.