No / After many years of equal opportunities legislation, motherhood still limits womens' career progress even in a feminized occupation such as nursing. While the effect of motherhood, working hours, career breaks and school aged children upon career progression has been discussed widely, its actual scale and magnitude has received less research attention. The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of these factors individually and cumulatively. Design/methodology/approach: This paper considers the impact of the above through a longitudinal analysis of a demographically unique national database, comprising the 46,565 registered nursing workforces in NHS Scotland from 2000-2008. The variables examined include gender, employment grades, number and length of career breaks, lengths of service, age, working patterns, the number and age of dependent children. Findings: The results indicate: motherhood has a regressively detrimental effect on women's career progression. However, this is a simplistic term which covers a more complex process related to the age of dependent children, working hours and career breaks. The degree of women's restricted career progression is directly related to the school age of the dependent children: the younger the child the greater the detrimental impact. Women who take a career break of greater than two years see their careers depressed and restricted. The results confirm that whilst gender has a relatively positive effect on male career progression; a women's career progression is reduced incrementally as she has more children, and part-time workers have reduced career progression regardless of maternal or paternal circumstances. Originality/value: This paper is the only example internationally, of a national workforce being examined on this scale and therefore its findings are significant. For the first time the impact of motherhood upon a women's career progression and the related factors; dependent children, career breaks and part-time working are quantified. These findings are relevant across many areas of employment and they are significant in relation to broadening the debate around equal opportunities for women. Purpose - After many years of equal opportunities legislation, motherhood still limits womens' career progress even in a feminized occupation such as nursing. While the effect of motherhood, working hours, career breaks and school aged children upon career progression has been discussed widely, its actual scale and magnitude has received less research attention. The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of these factors individually and cumulatively. Design/methodology/approach - This paper considers the impact of the above through a longitudinal analysis of a demographically unique national database, comprising the 46,565 registered nursing workforces in NHS Scotland from 2000-2008. The variables examined include gender, employment grades, number and length of career breaks, lengths of service, age, working patterns, the number and age of dependent children. Findings - The results indicate: motherhood has a regressively detrimental effect on women's career progression. However, this is a simplistic term which covers a more complex process related to the age of dependent children, working hours and career breaks. The degree of women's restricted career progression is directly related to the school age of the dependent children: the younger the child the greater the detrimental impact. Women who take a career break of greater than two years see their careers depressed and restricted. The results confirm that whilst gender has a relatively positive effect on male career progression; a women's career progression is reduced incrementally as she has more children, and part-time workers have reduced career progression regardless of maternal or paternal circumstances. Originality/value - This paper is the only example internationally, of a national workforce being examined on this scale and therefore its findings are significant. For the firs time the impact of motherhood upon a women's career progression and the related factors - dependent children, career breaks and part-time working are quantified. These findings are relevant across many areas of employment and they are significant in relation to broadening the debate around equal opportunities for women.

Yes / Current literature has indicated a concern about standards of maternity care experienced by pregnant women who are seeking asylum. As the next generation of midwives, it is important that students are educated in a way that prepares them to effectively care for these women. To understand how this can be achieved, it is important to explore what asylum seeking means to midwifery students. This article is the first of three parts and reports on one objective from a wider doctorate study. It identifies dominant discourses that influenced the perceptions of a group of midwifery students' about the pregnant asylum seeking woman. The study was designed from a social constructivist perspective, with contextual knowledge being constructed by groups of people, influenced by underpinning dominant discourses, depending on their social, cultural and historical positions in the world. In a United Kingdom University setting, during year two of a pre-registration midwifery programme, eleven midwifery students participated in the study. Two focus group interviews using a problem based learning scenario as a trigger for discussion were conducted. In addition, three students were individually interviewed to explore issues in more depth and two students' written reflections on practice were used to generate data. Following a critical discourse analysis, dominant discourses were identified which appeared to influence the way in which asylum seekers were perceived. The findings suggested an underpinning ideology around the asylum seeker being different and of a criminal persuasion. Although the pregnant woman seeking asylum was considered as deserving of care, the same discourses appeared to influence the way in which she was constructed. However, as the study progressed, through reading alternative sources of literature, some students appeared to question these discourses. These findings have implications for midwifery education in encouraging students to challenge negative discourses and construct positive perceptions of asylum seeking.

Yes / Objectives. Coeliac disease (CD) is an autoimmune condition managed by a lifelong therapeutic gluten-free diet. Previous research suggests that the chronicity of CD, the limitations imposed by the gluten-free diet, and the risk of other associated diseases can have a negative impact on health-related quality of life (HRQoL) and psychological well-being. The aim of this study was to explore the illness perceptions and self-efficacy beliefs of adults with CD in the United Kingdom and to report their subjective levels of HRQoL and psychological well-being. Design. The study employed a cross-sectional postal questionnaire design. Method. Participants (n= 288) were adults with CD recruited via Coeliac UK. Measures of well-being, HRQoL, self-efficacy, illness perceptions, and dietary self-management were analysed. Preliminary descriptive and univariate procedures were employed before bivariate tests of association or difference were carried out. Backward stepwise multiple regression analysis was used to investigate the predictive strength of variables on well-being, quality of life, and self-efficacy. Logistic regression was used to look at the influence of variables on adherence. Results. Results indicate that HRQoL and psychological well-being were comparable to those found in previous related studies. Participants with weak beliefs in the serious consequences of CD and poorer emotional reactions to the condition had a greater likelihood of having enhanced HRQoL, improved psychological well-being, and higher self-efficacy. Strong beliefs in personal control and a greater perceived understanding of CD were associated with greater self-efficacy. Conclusions. Perceived self-efficacy and illness perceptions could play a role in informing psychological interventions for individuals with CD.

Des recherches approfondies ont démontré que la représentation descriptive est importante. Les membres de groupes sociaux partagent souvent des intérêts communs et les élus qui font partie de ces groupes peuvent exercer leur pouvoir pour promouvoir les intérêts de leur groupe. Alors que la plupart des études sur la représentation descriptive portent sur les femmes et les minorités ethniques, peu d'entre elles s'intéressent à la représentation descriptive des groupes économiques. Cette étude tente de remédier à cette situation en posant deux questions : comment la représentation descriptive de la classe ouvrière a-t-elle évolué et comment ces changements de représentation sont-ils liés aux politiques des partis ? J'utilise des informations sur l'ancien emploi des députés du Royaume-Uni et du Canada comme indicateur de classe sociale pour analyser les tendances de la représentation de la classe ouvrière depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ensuite, je combine ces données avec les données du Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) pour mesurer l'ampleur du lien entre la proportion de députés issus de la classe ouvrière et l'orientation idéologique des plateformes électorales des partis. Les résultats relatifs aux tendances de représentation démontrent que même si le nombre total de travailleurs au parlement a progressivement diminué, la classe ouvrière dispose d’une meilleure représentation descriptive aujourd'hui. En outre, les résultats de régression montrent que la présence de députés issus de la classe ouvrière pousse vers la gauche les politiques proposées par les partis britanniques et canadiens, indiquant un lien clair entre la représentation descriptive et substantive de la classe ouvrière. Les implications de ces résultats alimentent le débat sur l'importance de la représentation des classes sociales et démontrent que l'élection de membres d'un groupe économique est un moyen efficace de voir les intérêts de ce groupe pris en compte dans les politiques des partis. / Extensive research has demonstrated that descriptive representation matters. Members of groups often share common interests and elected officials who are part of these groups can wield their power to advance their group’s interests. While most research on the topic of representation focuses on women and ethnic minorities, few have inquired into the descriptive representation of economic groups. This study seeks to address this gap in the literature by asking two questions: how has descriptive representation of class changed over time, and how are changes in representation connected to party policy? First, I use information on the former occupation of UK and Canadian MPs to analyze trends in the representation of class since the Second World War. Second, I combine this information with data from the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) to establish a link between the proportion of working-class MPs and party policy. Results pertaining to trends in representation show that even though the total number of workers in parliament has gradually declined, the working class is better represented descriptively today than before. Furthermore, regression results show that the presence of working-class MPs pushes the policies proposed by UK and Canadian parties to the left, indicating a clear link between the descriptive and substantive representation of the working class. The implications of these findings fuel the debate on the importance of class representation and demonstrate how electing members of an economic group is an effective way to see the group’s interests reflected in policy.

This project examines how European leaders of autocratic and democratic nations engage with masculinity discourses in their public speeches. Do authoritarian leaders use masculinity in a different way than democratic leaders? I answer this question by completing a critical discourse analysis of speeches from Vladimir Putin, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Boris Johnson, and Emmanuel Macron, the leaders of Russia, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and France, respectively. The speeches were publicized from July 2019 to September 2022, when all four leaders were simultaneously in office. I found that a similar rhetorical strategy focusing on dominance and strength was used across regime types and that empire is still a central component of their approach. These findings support the ideas that gendered language is used in discussions of international affairs and that the current form of hegemonic masculinity currently maintains its dominance in these rhetorical spaces. While all of the leaders have their own styles of portraying masculinity, they all engage in discourses that strongly reaffirm the dominant gender order. These findings suggest that these nations strive to sustain and extend their positions of global geopolitical dominance and that masculine strategies are essential to these processes.

The oil industry is the richest and most influential industry in the world. The industry has moved the fates of nations. Oil is required to fight wars and exert power, and the restriction of this energy source is paramount to the restriction of movement, control, and in the end, power. Management of this resource and the tax revenue it generates are of serious strategic importance, both domestically and internationally. Understanding the results of taxation for this important commodity is important to international relations as well. The tax system affects tax revenue, government actions, oil company actions, and the oil supply itself. Each of these is important to international relations.

Science and technology is regularly featured on radio, in newspapers, and on television, but most people only get firsthand exposure to ‘cutting-edge’ technologies in museums and other exhibitions. During this period, the Science Museum was the only permanent national presentation of science and technology. Thus, it is important to acknowledge the Museum’s history and the socio-political framework in which it operated. Understanding the delays in the Museum’s physical development is critical, as is understanding the gradual changes in the Museum’s educational provision, audience, and purpose. While the Museum was the main national exhibition space, the Festival of Britain in 1951 also provided a platform for the presentation of science and technology and was a statement of Britain’s place within the new post-War world. Specifically, within its narrative, the Festival addressed the relationship between the arts and the sciences and the influence of science and technology on daily life. Another example of the presentation of science was the quest for a planetarium in London - a story that involves the Science Museum, entrepreneurs, and Madame Tussauds. Comparing the Museum’s efforts with successful planetarium schemes isolates several of the Museum’s weaknesses - for example, the lack of consistent leadership and the lack of administrative and financial freedom - that are touched on throughout the work. Since most of this history is unknown, this work provides a fundamental basis for understanding the Museum’s current position, for making connections and comparisons that can apply to similar problems at other institutions, and for learning lessons from the struggles that can, in turn, be applied to other institutions.

Although both Canada and the United Kingdom had experienced terrorism prior to the attacks that occurred in the United States on September 11, 2001, Roach has argued that the events of that day ‘produced a horrible natural experiment that allows us to compare how international institutions and different countries responded’. Arguably, the most significant international response post-9/11 was the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373, which set a 90-day deadline for states to implement measures in accordance with the Resolution. Despite the fact that both Canada and the United Kingdom already had in place extensive provisions to deal with terrorism, both countries responded swiftly and their legislative responses reflect the histories and legal, political and social cultures of each country. This thesis tests the hypothesis that national security remains a bastion of national sovereignty, despite the force of international legal instruments like UN Security Council Resolution 1373 and, as such, the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in different jurisdictions is best analyzed and understood as a product of local institutional structures and cultures. To test this hypothesis, this thesis engages in comparative analyses of legal and political structures and cultures within Canada and the United Kingdom. It analyses variations in the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in the two jurisdictions and explores the domestic reasons for them. In its analysis of security certificates and bail with recognizance/investigative hearings in Canada, and detention without trial, control orders and TPIMs in the UK, this thesis reveals how domestic structures and cultures, including the legal system, the relative stability of government, local human rights culture, and geopolitical relationships all influence how counter-terrorism measures evolve.

Les politiques migratoires européennes sont conçues en termes de contrôle de l’entrée et du séjour des étrangers. Depuis la mise en place des conditions de libre circulation dans les années 1980, l’Union européenne est impliquée dans le traitement des non-nationaux qui, auparavant, relevait exclusivement de la discrétion étatique. La migration et l’asile sont aujourd’hui des domaines de compétence partagée entre l’Union et ses membres. La priorité est accordée à la lutte contre la migration irrégulière, perçue non seulement comme un défi à la souveraineté, mais aussi comme une menace à l’État providence et un risque pour la sécurité. Cette recherche porte sur l’européanisation de la lutte contre la migration irrégulière et ses effets sur les droits humains des étrangers. Il est soutenu que l’européanisation définie comme un processus de construction, de diffusion et d’institutionnalisation des normes, des pratiques et des convictions partagées, permet aux États d’atteindre leur objectif de limiter le nombre d’étrangers indésirés, y compris des demandeurs d’asile, sur leur sol. L’européanisation légitime et renforce les mesures préventives et dissuasives existantes à l’encontre des migrants clandestins. De nouvelles normes communes sont produites et de nouveaux dispositifs de coopération européenne sont créés en vue de réprimer la migration irrégulière. Ce phénomène transforme le paradigme migratoire dans les États membres ainsi que les pays candidats à l’adhésion qui se trouvent désormais chargés de la sécurisation des frontières extérieures de l’Union. La recherche démontre que ces développements ont un impact négatif sur les droits fondamentaux. Ils exacerbent aussi la vulnérabilité des demandeurs d’asile assimilés aux migrants économiques. Une analyse comparative de l’européanisation du renvoi forcé en France, au Royaume-Uni et en Turquie montre que la politique européenne engendre des atteintes aux droits et libertés des étrangers et limite leur capacité de contester les violations devant les tribunaux. L’accent est mis sur la nécessité de trouver un équilibre entre la préoccupation légitime des États et de l’Union d’assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de leurs citoyens et la protection des droits des migrants irréguliers. Il revient ultimement aux tribunaux de veiller à ce que le pouvoir discrétionnaire étatique s’exerce en stricte conformité avec les normes constitutionnelles et les obligations internationales découlant du droit international des réfugiés et des droits de l’homme. / In Europe, migration policies are designed to control the entry and residence of foreigners on the national territory. Since the establishment of a common market in the 1980s, the European Union is increasingly involved in the treatment of foreigners. Migration and asylum have become issues of shared jurisdiction between the Union and its members. Policies are dominantly focused on the fight against irregular migration, perceived not only as a challenge to territorial sovereignty, but also as a threat to the welfare state and as a security risk. This research explores the Europeanization of migration and asylum policy and its impact on irregular migrants’ human rights. It is asserted that, as a process of construction, diffusion and institutionalization of norms, practices and shared convictions, the Europeanization enables States to limit the number of unwanted foreigners on their territory, including asylum seekers. It legitimizes and reinforces already existing preventive and deterrent measures against clandestine migrants. Common norms and cooperation mecanisms are established with a view to optimizing States’ control over irregular migrants. This process transforms the migration paradigm not only in member States, but also in accession countries as they become the gatekeepers of the European Union’s external borders. The research maintains that these developments have a negative impact on clandestine migrants’ fundamental rights. The vulnerability of asylum seekers is exacerbated by their systematic association to economic migrants. A comparative analysis of the securitization of French, British and Turkish forced removal policies demonstrates how the Europeanization limits the foreigners’ rights and curbs their capacity to claim rights before tribunals. It is necessary to strike a fair balance between the legitimate aim to ensure citizens’ welfare and security and the protection of irregular migrants’ rights. It is argued that this balance will only be achieved by allowing the judiciary to test over time the constitutionality of repressive measures as well as their compatibility with international obligations of human rights and refugee protection.

This diploma thesis deals with the employment of disabled people in the Czech Republic. There is also a description of foreign systems of the employment of disabled people, concretely in the Federal Republic of Germany and in the United Kingdom. After the descriptive part of individual systems, there is their comparison and the choice of working elements from abroad which could improve the Czech system. Then, the thesis includes orientation questionnaire survey, which focuses on the level of foreknowledge and orientation of HR specialists in the area of the employment of disabled people in the Czech Republic.