World leaders, policy makers, and scholars are engaged in efforts to improve human development (HD), which, for the United Nations (UN) Development Program, is about allowing people choices in their lives and providing tools with which to make those choices. Success in increasing human development will impact the daily lives of a nation's citizens as well as contribute to success in meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs): eight shared UN goals to improve living conditions of people around the world. The information currently available to those seeking to enhance human development measures focuses on a macro-level approach that advocates first advancing national economic development. Recent research on meeting the MDGs focuses on micro-level individual or community activities. Entrepreneurial and microfinance activity are two such micro-level activities that have been associated in research with advances in national economic development. Microfinance, particularly microcredit, activities have been associated in research with advances in some human development measures. Similar research concerning how entrepreneurial activity may relate directly to human development is lacking. This research project was designed to examine the relationships of these individual activities with human development independent of economic development. Two questions guided this study: (a) Does individual activity (either entrepreneurial or microfinance) have a direct effect on human development, separate from any effect through economic development and (b) If so, do certain types of individual activity (either entrepreneurial or microfinance) have a stronger relationship with some human development measures more than others? Due to data challenges, the scope of this research was restricted to a retrospective study examining measures of entrepreneurial activity with measures of human development. A similar exploration involving microfinance activity is planned for the future. A literature search and content analysis were conducted to determine definitions and measures. Data on nine measures were collected from 44 nations. Analyses indicated that one measure of entrepreneurial activity (own account workers-individuals owning or operating an enterprise, but hiring no employees) does have a statistically significant relationship with one measure of human development (literacy). Guidelines are also offered from lessons learned in navigating the disparate maze of conceptual and measurement issues when researching this territory. With several years remaining in the UN Millennium Development Challenge and the UN Decade of Literacy, this research may have implications for policy makers and world leaders as they seek ways to improve both economic and human development simultaneously. / Ph. D.

By adopting a multilevel approach to understanding decisions taken in security and defence policies by European member states, the paper argues that the development of the European Security and Defence Policy, the proliferation of ad-hoc coalitions of the willing, and the subcontracting of security tasks from the UN has worsened the challenge of parliamentary accountability in foreign, security and defence policies. The paper evaluates how the European Convention has sought to bridge the parliamentary accountability gap in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and in European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The outcomes of the Convention on the future of Europe are not meeting its initial ambition to put foreign, security and defence policy among the priorities for the European Union¿s constitutional design. CFSP will become more integrated, on an intergovernmental rather than supranational model and under the large states¿ control. The major innovation is the creation of the position of Foreign Affairs Minister whose autonomy remains still uncertain, especially in his/her relationship with the President of the European Council. ESDP¿s operational capabilities and scope are both extended while coalitions of the willing are institutionalised and a defence core group could emerge. The contrast remains between a slower integration of CFSP and a faster progress of ESDP. Given the significance of proposals in ESDP, the new powers proposed by the European Convention to be given to national parliaments and the European Parliament in this policy area are too weak to close the existing parliamentary accountability gap.

Em dezembro de 2012, após treze anos, três mandatos de operações de paz e dois mandatos de missões políticas, a ONU se retirava do território do Timor-Leste de maneira bastante discreta. Fechava-se, naquele momento, um ciclo de participação da Organização na vida política e econômica daquele país, que se iniciara com os episódios de violência de 1999, quando milicianos pró-indonésia tentaram impedir o processo político de autodeterminação do povo timorense. Herdando um país com suas infraestruturas destruídas e mais de um quarto de sua população refugiada ou deslocada internamente, a ONU não apenas pacificou o território como também empreendeu ali um processo de Post-conflict Peacebuilding (PCPB), onde sua participação variou entre o exercício pleno de todos os poderes soberanos atinentes às funções de governo de qualquer Estado ao apoio de assessores altamente especializados em prol do governo independente do Timor-Leste. O balanço final dessa participação é positivo na medida que revela um país com estruturas governamentais consolidadas, formalmente democrático e com boas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro lado, o combate à pobreza, a consolidação da pacificação social, a necessidade de maior participação popular na política e a redução da dependência de sua economia em relação ao petróleo seguem sendo desafios não resolvidos e, em grande medida, externalidades provocadas pela própria ONU. / In December 2012, after thirteen years, three mandates of peace operations and two mandates of political missions, the UN withdrew from the territory of Timor-Leste in a rather discreet manner. At that moment, a cycle of the Organization's participation in the political and economic life of that country, which began with the 1999 episodes of violence, occurred when pro-Indonesian militiamen tried to impede the political process of self-determination of the Timorese people. Inheriting a country with its destroyed infrastructure and more than a quarter of its population refugee or internally displaced, the UN not only pacified the territory but also undertook a Post-conflict Peacebuilding (PCPB) process, where its participation ranged from full exercise of all sovereign powers pertaining to the government functions of any State to the support of highly specialized advisers for the independent government of Timor-Leste. The final balance of this participation is positive insofar as it reveals a country with consolidated government structures, formally democratic and good rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the fight against poverty, the consolidation of social pacification, the need for greater popular participation in politics and the reduction of dependence of its economy on oil remain unresolved challenges and, to a large extent, externalities caused by the UN itself.

A presente tese apresenta três artigos que demonstram através do histórico da segurança humana sua compreensão em de três pontos de vista: histórico, conceito e ferramenta de política externa. O primeiro artigo busca evidenciar que existe baixo nível de debate, diálogo e contribuição entre a agenda de desenvolvimento e segurança na construção da abordagem da segurança humana através do Relatório de Desenvolvimento Humano (RDH) do Programa de Desenvolvimento das Nações Unidas (PNUD) de 1994 e do Relatório da Comissão Internacional sobre Intervenção e Soberania Estatal (CIISE) de 2001. Enquanto o segundo artigo realiza uma análise comparativa da segurança humana e da securitização à fim de demonstrar as diferenças e especificidades de ambos e procura demonstrar que apesar de existirem semelhanças entre os termos, e uma certa complementariedade, eles não são substituíveis. Já o terceiro aborda como e para quais interesses potências médias usam a segurança humana, através dos estudos de caso do Japão e Canadá a fim de demonstrar que estes beneficiam interesses próprios. / The present thesis presents three papers that displays through the history of human security its comprehension from three points of view: history, concept and foreign policy tool. The first paper seeks to demonstrate that there is a low level of debate, dialogue and contribution between the development and security agenda in the construction of the human security approach through the Human Development Report (HDR) of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) from 1994 and the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) from 2001. While the second seeks to comparatively analyze human security and securitization to indicate differences and similarities and seeking to demonstrate that despite the similarities between the terms, and a certain complementarity, they are not replaceable. And lastly, the third one approaches how and to serve which interests middle powers use human security, through the case studies of Japan and Canada seeking to show rather they beneficiate self-interest.

Em dezembro de 2012, após treze anos, três mandatos de operações de paz e dois mandatos de missões políticas, a ONU se retirava do território do Timor-Leste de maneira bastante discreta. Fechava-se, naquele momento, um ciclo de participação da Organização na vida política e econômica daquele país, que se iniciara com os episódios de violência de 1999, quando milicianos pró-indonésia tentaram impedir o processo político de autodeterminação do povo timorense. Herdando um país com suas infraestruturas destruídas e mais de um quarto de sua população refugiada ou deslocada internamente, a ONU não apenas pacificou o território como também empreendeu ali um processo de Post-conflict Peacebuilding (PCPB), onde sua participação variou entre o exercício pleno de todos os poderes soberanos atinentes às funções de governo de qualquer Estado ao apoio de assessores altamente especializados em prol do governo independente do Timor-Leste. O balanço final dessa participação é positivo na medida que revela um país com estruturas governamentais consolidadas, formalmente democrático e com boas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro lado, o combate à pobreza, a consolidação da pacificação social, a necessidade de maior participação popular na política e a redução da dependência de sua economia em relação ao petróleo seguem sendo desafios não resolvidos e, em grande medida, externalidades provocadas pela própria ONU. / In December 2012, after thirteen years, three mandates of peace operations and two mandates of political missions, the UN withdrew from the territory of Timor-Leste in a rather discreet manner. At that moment, a cycle of the Organization's participation in the political and economic life of that country, which began with the 1999 episodes of violence, occurred when pro-Indonesian militiamen tried to impede the political process of self-determination of the Timorese people. Inheriting a country with its destroyed infrastructure and more than a quarter of its population refugee or internally displaced, the UN not only pacified the territory but also undertook a Post-conflict Peacebuilding (PCPB) process, where its participation ranged from full exercise of all sovereign powers pertaining to the government functions of any State to the support of highly specialized advisers for the independent government of Timor-Leste. The final balance of this participation is positive insofar as it reveals a country with consolidated government structures, formally democratic and good rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the fight against poverty, the consolidation of social pacification, the need for greater popular participation in politics and the reduction of dependence of its economy on oil remain unresolved challenges and, to a large extent, externalities caused by the UN itself.

A presente tese apresenta três artigos que demonstram através do histórico da segurança humana sua compreensão em de três pontos de vista: histórico, conceito e ferramenta de política externa. O primeiro artigo busca evidenciar que existe baixo nível de debate, diálogo e contribuição entre a agenda de desenvolvimento e segurança na construção da abordagem da segurança humana através do Relatório de Desenvolvimento Humano (RDH) do Programa de Desenvolvimento das Nações Unidas (PNUD) de 1994 e do Relatório da Comissão Internacional sobre Intervenção e Soberania Estatal (CIISE) de 2001. Enquanto o segundo artigo realiza uma análise comparativa da segurança humana e da securitização à fim de demonstrar as diferenças e especificidades de ambos e procura demonstrar que apesar de existirem semelhanças entre os termos, e uma certa complementariedade, eles não são substituíveis. Já o terceiro aborda como e para quais interesses potências médias usam a segurança humana, através dos estudos de caso do Japão e Canadá a fim de demonstrar que estes beneficiam interesses próprios. / The present thesis presents three papers that displays through the history of human security its comprehension from three points of view: history, concept and foreign policy tool. The first paper seeks to demonstrate that there is a low level of debate, dialogue and contribution between the development and security agenda in the construction of the human security approach through the Human Development Report (HDR) of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) from 1994 and the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) from 2001. While the second seeks to comparatively analyze human security and securitization to indicate differences and similarities and seeking to demonstrate that despite the similarities between the terms, and a certain complementarity, they are not replaceable. And lastly, the third one approaches how and to serve which interests middle powers use human security, through the case studies of Japan and Canada seeking to show rather they beneficiate self-interest.

This study presents a qualitative analysis of the dichotomy between official HIV and AIDS policy and its implementation in a Human Rights based, United Nations (UN) agency, located in South Africa. The study demonstrates that although HIV and AIDS policy is an intrinsic part of the commitment of this large organisation, the implementation of the policy, in the form of a Workplace Wellness Programme supported by budgetary resources, is weak and incomplete. The thesis integrates detailed vignettes in drawing attention to how personnel in the South Africa office perceive and experience the implementation of HIV and AIDS policy. Additionally, the voices of bureaucrats are also integrated in an effort to interrogate management attitudes and mindsets on matters of policy and treatment of staff. The study explores staff members’ sense of being stigmatised and discriminated, when living with the virus and their responses to it. In this, I bring a personal perspective to the study, by relating my own views of living with a potentially life-threatening disease to the views of the participants in the workplace in which the study is conducted. Classical Weberian and contemporary accounts of ‘bureaucracy’ and the organisational ‘rule book‘ are drawn upon. It is argued that whilst the value systems and politics of managers in the United Nations system lead them to be defined as progressive, some of the practices within their own institutions are contradictory, indifferent and manipulative leading to the perpetuation of discrimination and anxiety amongst HIV-positive staff. Thus, human agency and ingenuity supersedes organisational structure and the rigour of organisational policies and rules. The contradictions highlighted necessitate a careful scrutiny of organisational dynamics, within the wider international development scenario, and organisational introspection within individual UN offices vis-à-vis HIV and AIDS policy implementation. It is envisaged that the study will induce the commissioning of a larger study carried out by an independent body and funded by the United Nations, enabling the validation and enhancement of the argument presented in the case study and provide more recommendations for the way forward for the United Nations. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Sociology / unrestricted

In May 2010, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution on non-communicable diseases (NCDs) that called for high-level meetings to address the global burden of NCDs. This paper highlights the growing global burden of NCDs (cardiovascular diseases, cancer, chronic obstructive pulmonary diseases and diabetes), provides a brief historical background on the adoption of the UN NCDs resolution and argues that the resolution provides a remarkable new opportunity for improved international collaboration to address NCDs. Additionally, the paper argues that while the existing World Health Organisation programme on NCDs be continued and expanded, the UN can provide the expanded political leadership that is necessary for multi-sectoral collaboration and can serve as a respected forum for dealing with the issue across numerous key UN agencies.

Many scholars perceive state sovereignty as absolute, inviolable, indivisible, final, binding and stagnant. That perception emanates from inter alia political, social, cultural and environmental contexts of the modern era. Most literature converge that the doctrine of sovereignty first received official codification at the Peace Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Contemporary international norms, particularly the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, are arguably an environment and culture of current global politics. With human rights and democracy having taken centre-stage in contemporary political discourses, sovereignty is affected and influenced by such developments in international politics. Hence the argument that globalisation, among others, has eroded, weakened and rendered the doctrine of sovereignty obsolete. This study, using Zimbabwe‟s Operation Murambatsvina as a case study, demonstrates that sovereignty is neither unitary in practice, nor sacrosanct; it is dynamic and evolves, thus, in need of constant reconfiguration. To this end, the study uses the qualitative research methodology. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

A presente tese objetiva analisar o redimensionamento conceitual do Princípio da Igualdade no Direito Internacional Público, assim como a aplicação desse princípio na Organização das Nações Unidas, em especial no órgão judiciário, a Corte Internacional de Justiça, e nas Resoluções da Assembleia Geral da ONU sobre o princípio. A mudança mais relevante da sociedade internacional é a sua expansão horizontal de Estados, que impacta na validade das regras do Direito Internacional. A metodologia da escolha dos casos e das resoluções analisados serão precedidas por um estudo exploratório da doutrina sobre o princípio da igualdade. O novo entendimento sobre o princípio visa garantir uma igualdade material no plano internacional. Admite a possibilidade de buscar a realização da igualdade material com as desigualdades compensatórias ou vantajosas. O tratamento diferenciado ocorre apenas na presença de condições que são desfavoráveis na prática. Num primeiro momento, busca-se articular diversas teorias que explicam o princípio da igualdade na teoria do Direito e no Direito Internacional Público, para, num segundo momento, compreendê-lo a partir de um novo entendimento - uma igualdade solidária e pluralista. / This dissertation aims to analyze the conceptual dimension of the Principle of Equality in Public International Law, as well as its application in the United Nations, particularly in the International Court of Justice, in addition to the UN General Assembly resolutions on thhe principle. The most significant change in international society is its horizontal expansion of States, which impact on the validity of the rules of international law. The methodology for choosing the cases and the analyzed resolutions will be preceded by an exploratory study of the doctrine on the principle of equality. The new understanding of the principle aims to ensure a substantive equality internationally. The principle allows the possibility of seeking the realization of the fulfilment of material equality in counter or advantageous inequality. The differential treatment occurs only in the presence of conditions that are unfavorable in practice. At first, several theories that explain the principle of equality in the theory of law and public international law are articulated in order to develop a new understanding - a plural and a solidarity equality.