The transnationalisation of economic relations and the emergence of supranational sites of policy-making and governance have been of concern both to 'affected publics' subject to the remote decisionmaking that such developments entail (and who have mobilised extensively to demonstrate their opposition to these bodies), and scholars keen to locate the possibilities for a democratic politics in the context of the state's subsequent diminishment (O'Brien et al., 2000; Scholte, 2001; Patomäki and Teivainen, 2004; Rittberger et al., 2008). One such group of scholars are public sphere theorists, who, taking up an ongoing concern with the conditions for, and criteria of, effective democratic participation in politically authoritative policy debates, and responding to these new dynamics, have begun to define a new research agenda in search of 'transnational public spheres' (Habermas, 1989; Fraser, 1991; Fraser 2007). That is, they have begun to look to the transnational for sites in which those affected by the exercise (or, indeed, absence) of political authority at this level strive to engage that authority in policy debate. In this thesis, I argue for the existence of one such transnational public sphere, which, being both provoked and constituted by the transnational peasant and small farmers social movement La Via Campesina, promises to be institutionally realised by the recently reformed United Nations Committee on World Food Security (CFS). Identifying and exploring key dynamics relevant to the CFS's aspirations for political centrality, inclusivity, and policy debate, moreover, I lay bare the challenges that confront the attainment of this promise.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-13T19:19:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Daniel Castanheira do Amaral Gonçalves.pdf: 64867867 bytes, checksum: aec28662296c219afd8550ddf11ca730 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-13T19:19:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Daniel Castanheira do Amaral Gonçalves.pdf: 64867867 bytes, checksum: aec28662296c219afd8550ddf11ca730 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-17 / CAPES / This study aims to analyze the impacts of the UN’s integration policies over the humanitarian space, based on the High Commissioner of the United Nations for Refugees (UNHCR). It presents the development of such policies, exposing it as a direct result of a process of reform that sought to bring more coherence to the UN system’s action in favor of peace-building, intending to avoid the repetition of failures such as Rwanda and Srebrenica, which occurred during the 1990s peace operations. It analyzes, furthermore, the relation between the UNHCR’s mandate and the humanitarian space, exposing that the concept of the later, as used by the agency and by other humanitarian actors, favors a space destined to humanitarian action promoted by humanitarian actors in a neutral, impartial and absent form and with political influence. Nevertheless, questioning the possibility of completely divorcing the humanitarian action from politics, it is proposed that the humanitarian space be understood as an arena in which several actors negotiate its interests, world perspectives and operational objectives. This concept would allow to conciliate the heterogeneous nature of the humanitarian system and better understand not only the operational reality of humanitarian action, but also the threats to the humanitarian space represented by the integration policy. To explain and analyze these threats, it is used the five areas of humanitarian space - as identified by the United Nations Integration Steering Group - to assess how integration affects the humanitarian space: humanitarian security; humanitarian access; engagement with non-state armed actors; perceptions of humanitarian actors; and humanitarian advocacy. At the end, an analyses is made of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), a mission that since its genesis was structured under the precepts of integration, with the purpose of assess the impacts of integration on the humanitarian space in the Liberian using the five areas aforementioned. It attempts, therefore, to analyze if the UN integrated missions can expand the humanitarian space for UNHCR. It is, therefore, a documentary analysis - from UNHCR authored files - and a field study, in which data was collected through semi-structured interviews conducted with six UNHCR officers who served in Liberia and were interviewed at March 2015. It was used, moreover, scientific articles, books and academic dissertations obtained through electronic and bibliographic sources. It was concluded that in Liberia the integrated mission had a positive impact on the humanitarian space and that it facilitated the humanitarian action. It is proposed, by the end, that the use of the concept of the humanitarian space as an arena and the strategic engagement promoted by the humanitarian actors with political and military actors would allow humanitarian agencies to offer a stronger protection for those who benefit from their actions. Additionally, it would also better protect humanitarian interests in face of perceived threats that integration may represent to the humanitarian space. / O presente trabalho se propõe a analisar os impactos da política de integração da ONU sobre o espaço humanitário, tomando como base o Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para Refugiados (ACNUR). Apresenta-se o desenvolvimento da política, expondo-a como resultado direto de um processo de reforma que buscou trazer mais coerência para as ações do Sistema ONU em benefício da consolidação da paz, com o intuito de evitar-se a repetição de falhas como as de Ruanda e Srebrenica, ocorridas nas operações de paz dos 1990. Analisa-se, ademais, a relação do mandato do ACNUR com o espaço humanitário, expondo que o conceito deste espaço utilizado pela agência, bem como por outros atores humanitários, privilegia um espaço destinado à ação humanitária prestada por atores humanitários de forma neutra, imparcial e sem influências políticas. No entanto, questionando-se a possibilidade de se divorciar integralmente a ação humanitária da política, propõe-se que o espaço humanitário seja entendido como uma arena, na qual diversos atores negociam interesses, perspectivas de mundo e objetivos operacionais. Este conceito permitiria conciliar a realidade heterogênea do sistema humanitário e compreender melhor não apenas a realidade operacional da ação humanitária, mas também as ameaças ao espaço humanitário representadas pela política de integração. Para a explicação e análise destas ameaças, utilizam-se as cinco áreas do espaço humanitário - conforme identificadas pelo Grupo das Nações Unidas de Direção da Integração - para avaliar como a integração ameaçaria o espaço humanitário: a segurança dos atores humanitários; o acesso humanitário; a interação com atores armados não-estatais; as percepções dos atores humanitários por atores locais; e a advocacia humanitária. Faz-se, ao fim, um estudo da Missão das Nações Unidas na Libéria (UNMIL), operação de paz estruturada desde sua gênese sob os preceitos da integração, com o propósito de analisar o impacto da integração no espaço humanitário dentro do contexto liberiano, utilizando as cinco áreas anteriormente identificadas. Intenta-se, deste modo, analisar se as missões integradas da ONU permitem expandir o espaço humanitário para o ACNUR. Trata-se, portanto, de um estudo de análise documental - em arquivos de autoria do ACNUR - e de um estudo de campo, no qual se colheram dados por meio de entrevistas semi-dirigidas feitas com funcionários do ACNUR que atuaram na Libéria e que foram entrevistados em março de 2015. Utilizaram-se, ainda, artigos científicos, livros e dissertações acadêmicas obtidas por meio de fontes eletrônicas e bibliográficas. Conclui-se que, na Libéria, a missão integrada teve um impacto positivo no espaço humanitário e facilitou a ação humanitária. Propõem-se, ao final, que o uso do conceito de espaço humanitário como arena e o engajamento estratégico por parte dos atores humanitários com atores políticos e militares permitiriam às agências humanitárias oferecer maior proteção aos beneficiários de suas ações, bem como melhor defender os interesses humanitários em face das ameaças percebidas que a integração representaria ao espaço humanitário.

The aim of this study is to evaluate the United Nations (UN) role in the resolution, management and termination of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) with specific reference to the UN Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC). The aim emanates from the basic research question: To what extent did the deployment of MONUC contribute to the termination of internal conflict in the DRC and create conditions conducive for the holding of democratic elections? The research problem generated four subsidiary questions: Was the intention of the drafters of the Lusaka Agreement for the UN converted into a viable peacekeeping mission, especially in the early phases of the mission? Did MONUC receive adequate resources to fulfil its task, commensurate with the size and complexity of the operational theatre and its mandate? Why was a development such as the deployment of Interim Emergency Multi National Force (IEMF) in Ituri (2003) necessary, given the fact that MONUC was deployed? Were the expectations regarding MONUC involvement in the disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration, resettlement and repatriation (DDRRR) programme and the domestic disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration (DDR) programme realistic? Therefore four sub-problems were addressed, namely the issue of the mission mandate; the resourcing of the mission relative to the mandate and the operational theatre; the external augmentation of the mission; and the MONUC role in DDRRR and DDR. Following a definition of the concept internal conflict and a discussion of the factors contributing to internal conflict, the theory of peacekeeping was described to determine a framework for the evaluation of the UN peace mission in the DRC, based on the recommendations of the 2000 Brahimi Report. Emphasis was placed on the mandate, force levels and composition, and operational capability. A historic overview contextualised the complex conflict situation in the DRC that the UN was required to help ameliorate. MONUC made a contribution to the termination of internal conflict in the DRC by managing the conflict in a fashion that permitted democratic elections to be held. This was achieved despite the fact that the actual deployment of MONUC (in terms of its functioning, especially regarding DDRRR) did not meet the requirements for a UN force as envisaged by the signatories of the 1999 Lusaka Agreement. The expectations of the signatories regarding DDRRR were not realistic, but the UN response in terms of the mandate and allocation of resources also fell far below what was required to establish a credible UN peace mission. The graduated approach ensured a reactive MONUC posture in the field, but the reticence to provide adequate resources in response to political and operational developments necessitated the external augmentation of the mission on two occasions. While this development brought a new facet of ‘co-deployment’ in UN peacekeeping operations to he fore, it also served to highlight the MONUC deficiencies in terms of its ‘responsibility to protect’ civilians under threat of violence. MONUC was mandated from its inception to discharge this responsibility, without receiving the necessary resources to enable the conduct of operations to protect civilians. This inability resulted in the mission lacking credibility amongst the population of the DRC. Copyright / Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Political Sciences / MSS / Unrestricted

The transnationalisation of economic relations and the emergence of supranational sites of policy-making and governance have been of concern both to ¿affected publics¿ subject to the remote decisionmaking that such developments entail (and who have mobilised extensively to demonstrate their opposition to these bodies), and scholars keen to locate the possibilities for a democratic politics in the context of the state¿s subsequent diminishment (O¿Brien et al., 2000; Scholte, 2001; Patomäki and Teivainen, 2004; Rittberger et al., 2008). One such group of scholars are public sphere theorists, who, taking up an ongoing concern with the conditions for, and criteria of, effective democratic participation in politically authoritative policy debates, and responding to these new dynamics, have begun to define a new research agenda in search of ¿transnational public spheres¿ (Habermas, 1989; Fraser, 1991; Fraser 2007). That is, they have begun to look to the transnational for sites in which those affected by the exercise (or, indeed, absence) of political authority at this level strive to engage that authority in policy debate. In this thesis, I argue for the existence of one such transnational public sphere, which, being both provoked and constituted by the transnational peasant and small farmers social movement La Via Campesina, promises to be institutionally realised by the recently reformed United Nations Committee on World Food Security (CFS). Identifying and exploring key dynamics relevant to the CFS¿s aspirations for political centrality, inclusivity, and policy debate, moreover, I lay bare the challenges that confront the attainment of this promise.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa Gabrielle_ Woicolesco.pdf: 3067314 bytes, checksum: 2e86203c9607d71a4342f064f0a02a49 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-28 / In this work, a study was conducted on the recommendations of the United Nations (UN), to identify the possible convergences and/or divergences from the principles advocated by the Statute of the Child and Adolescents (ECA). The methodological approach was qualitative and, therefore, study the following official documents: the American Convention on Human Rights (1969); United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Justice for Children and Youth Beijing (1985); Convention on the Rights of Child (1989); United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of Liberty (1990); United Nations Principles for the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency Riyadh Guidelines (1990); Federal Constitution of Brazil (1988); Statute of Children and Adolescents (1990); and Social and Educational National Service System (2006). The first chapter aims to understand the context in which international documents issued by the United Nations (UN) that deal with the rights of children and adolescents from the 1990s, particularly those intended for the service were produced adolescent in conflict with the law. The second chapter dealt with the recommendations of the United Nations (UN) and its convergence with respect to the principles advocated by the Child and Adolescent (ECA). As is clear from the investigations, we found that the Principle of Humanity, the Principle of Legality, the Principle of Jurisdiction, the Adversarial Principle, the Principle of Impeachment, the Principle of Advertising Process and the Principle Absolute Priority are expressed in international recommendations and national legislation, particularly with regard to the principles advocated by the ECA, and constitute themselves as concerns the UN with regard to protecting the rights of children and adolescents, especially those who commit infractions. / Neste trabalho realizou-se um estudo sobre as recomendações da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), visando identificar as possíveis convergências e/ou divergências em relação aos princípios preconizados pelo Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA). O percurso metodológico foi de caráter qualitativo e, para tanto, estudaram-se os seguintes documentos oficiais: Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos (1969); Regras Mínimas das Nações Unidas para a Administração da Justiça da Infância e da Juventude Beijing (1985); Convenção sobre os Direitos da Criança (1989); Regras das Nações Unidas para a Proteção dos Menores Privados de Liberdade (1990); Princípios das Nações Unidas para a Prevenção da Delinquência Juvenil Diretrizes de Riad (1990); Constituição Federal do Brasil (1988); Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990); e o Sistema Nacional de Atendimento Socioeducativo (2006). O primeiro capítulo teve como objetivo compreender o contexto em que foram produzidos os documentos internacionais emanados pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), que tratam do direito da criança e do adolescente a partir da década de 1990, com destaque àqueles que se destinam ao atendimento ao adolescente em conflito com a lei. O segundo capítulo tratou das recomendações da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e sua convergência, em relação aos princípios preconizados pelo Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA). Como resultado das investigações, constatamos que o Princípio de Humanidade, o Princípio de Legalidade, o Princípio de Jurisdicionalidade, o Princípio do Contraditório, o Princípio da Impugnação, o Princípio do Segredo de Justiça e o Princípio da Prioridade Absoluta estão expressos nas recomendações internacionais e na legislação nacional, particularmente no que diz respeito aos princípios preconizados pelo ECA, e constituem-se preocupações da ONU no que se refere à proteção dos direitos de crianças e adolescentes, com destaque àqueles que cometem atos infracionais

The difficulty of transforming war economies into peace economies has become increasingly problematic in the search for long-term peace and stability in Africa. In many African countries such as Sierra Leone, Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo, conflict actors have created distinct war economies in order to maintain the conflict in these countries. The enduring nature of the war economies presents a unique challenge to actors involved in ensuring that peace returns to a country by applying a peacebuilding strategy. The economic environment during a conflict has a vast influence on a post-conflict economy and a post-conflict reconstruction strategy. Although post-war rebuilding occurred during the reconstruction of Europe and Japan after the Second World War, the terms "post-conflict peacebuilding" and "post-conflict reconstruction" have only came to prominence during the mid-1990s. Using the case study of Sierra Leone, this study explores the challenge of war economies and its impact on post-conflict reconstruction. Sierra Leone presents an appealing case study as the country experienced a very profitable war economy during the armed conflict in the country between 1991 and 2002, and continues to struggle to transform this war economy into a peace economy. The case study of Sierra Leone is well researched, however, most studies focus on the conflict period, and only briefly look at the post-conflict period. In addition, discussions of post-conflict reconstruction in Sierra Leone have failed to adequately address the challenges presented by the war economy. This study uses existing analyses about the war economy in Sierra Leone, and links these to the current post-conflict reconstruction strategy, focusing specifically on the economic dimension. Therefore, this study represents a departure from traditional approaches to exploring war economies because it considers the direct impact these economic systems have on the process of post-conflict reconstruction. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Many scholars perceive state sovereignty as absolute, inviolable, indivisible, final, binding and stagnant. That perception emanates from inter alia political, social, cultural and environmental contexts of the modern era. Most literature converge that the doctrine of sovereignty first received official codification at the Peace Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Contemporary international norms, particularly the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, are arguably an environment and culture of current global politics. With human rights and democracy having taken centre-stage in contemporary political discourses, sovereignty is affected and influenced by such developments in international politics. Hence the argument that globalisation, among others, has eroded, weakened and rendered the doctrine of sovereignty obsolete. This study, using Zimbabwe‟s Operation Murambatsvina as a case study, demonstrates that sovereignty is neither unitary in practice, nor sacrosanct; it is dynamic and evolves, thus, in need of constant reconfiguration. To this end, the study uses the qualitative research methodology. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

La République Centrafricaine (RCA) ou Centrafrique, comme beaucoup de pays d’Afrique noire, amorce la mise en place d’un régime démocratique en 1990. Elle organise les élections multipartites dont le premier président démocratiquement élu est Ange Félix Patassé. Le cap de l’entrée en régime démocratique semble passé avec succès. Mais les vieilles méthodesrefont surface, occasionnant la contestation. En 1996 éclate une crise politico-militaire ponctuée par trois mutineries, puis une série de coups d’État. Elle atteint son apogée en 2013-2015 avec un conflit opposant deux communautés. C’est à la suite de ces événements que se fait le déploiement, en 1997, d’une force militaire de paix conformément aux « accords de Bangui » de 1997 : la Mission Interafricaine du Suivi des Accords de Bangui (MISAB). Elle marque le début d’une succession d’opérations destinées à maintenir ou rétablir la paix. Elle s’accompagne d’interventions humanitaires où le CICR et MSF jouent un rôle majeur. Cette recherche analyse ces actions de 1990 à 2015. Elle étudie dans la première partie le rôle des acteurs africains dans la résolution de ce conflit et dans la deuxième partie la participation des acteurs internationaux. / The Central African Republic (CAR) or Centrafrique, as many black African countries, begins the establishment of a democratic regime in 1990. It organized multi-party elections which the first democratically elected president is Ange Félix Patassé. The cap of the entrance to democratic regime seems past successfully. But the old methods resurface, causing protests. In 1996 bursts a politico-military crisis punctuated by three mutinies, then a succession of putsch. It reached its peaks in 2013-2015 with a conflict between two communities. It is following these events that are made the deployment in 1997, of a peacemilitary force according to the “agreements of Bangui” in 1997: The Inter-African of monitoring the agreements of Bangui (MISAB). It marks the beginning of a series of operations intended to maintain or to restore the peace. It goes along with humanitarian interventions where the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Doctors without borders (MSF) play a major role. This research analyzes these actions from 1990 to 2015. It studies in the first part the role of the African actors in the resolution of this conflict and in the second part the participation of the international actors.

Many scholars perceive state sovereignty as absolute, inviolable, indivisible, final, binding and stagnant. That perception emanates from inter alia political, social, cultural and environmental contexts of the modern era. Most literature converge that the doctrine of sovereignty first received official codification at the Peace Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Contemporary international norms, particularly the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, are arguably an environment and culture of current global politics. With human rights and democracy having taken centre-stage in contemporary political discourses, sovereignty is affected and influenced by such developments in international politics. Hence the argument that globalisation, among others, has eroded, weakened and rendered the doctrine of sovereignty obsolete. This study, using Zimbabwe‟s Operation Murambatsvina as a case study, demonstrates that sovereignty is neither unitary in practice, nor sacrosanct; it is dynamic and evolves, thus, in need of constant reconfiguration. To this end, the study uses the qualitative research methodology. / Political Sciences / M. A. (International Politics)

Die Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten und der UNESCO ist seit Gründung der UN-Sonderorganisation von Spannungen geprägt. Diese kulminierten im Austritt der USA aus der UNESCO mit Wirkung vom 31.12.1984. Im Gegensatz zur rechtlichen Dimension des Austritts war die politische Dimension höchst kontrovers. Es zeigte sich, dass ein generelles Unbehagen zu internationalen Organisationen generell und den Vereinten Nationen im Besonderen die Hauptrolle beim Austritt spielte. Die UNESCO spielt auf dem Gebiet der multilateralen Bildungsfinanzierung – neben anderen Organisationen – eine nicht zu unterschätzende Rolle. Neben anderen Problemen auf diesen Gebiet mit denen die UNESCO noch heute zu kämpfen hat, hatte daher der Austritt der Vereinigten Staaten negative Auswirkungen auf den Haushalt der UNESCO und somit auch den Teil der Bildungsfinanzierung.