Master of Arts / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / Robert K. Schaeffer / Informal markets are prevalent all over the globe. The work done in such markets is often for the purposes of supplementary or subsistence income and it is done by men, women, and children. The purpose of my research was to understand how micro-informal markets are created by informal workers in Manhattan, Kansas. This was done through examining how informal workers used their social networks to find customers and how customers used their social networks to find informal goods and services produced by such workers, or more specifically, how micro-informal markets were created. This builds on the economic theory of embeddedness, which states social relations are an important part of the exchange process even in today's capitalistic market economy. In addition, my research also looked at why customers consumed from informal workers, why informal workers decided to go into business for themselves, how the city of Manhattan, Kansas viewed informal workers and whether city officials and affiliates encouraged informal businesses or not.

Master of Arts / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / L. Susan Williams / This study focuses on experiences of women workers in Brazilian street markets, as told in their own words. Feminist epistemology informs this study, including face-to-face interviews as well as participant observation. Participants share how they became informal entrepreneurs, offering a unique perspective of market work that is local and personal. Two major concepts inform this study. First, local gender regimes emphasizes context as influential in women's practices and perceptions; both opportunity structures and cultural milieux restrain earning potential. Equally important is the second concept, luta, or "fighting energy," a concept that emerged from interviews. Luta expresses agency that guided these women toward an entrepreneurial decision. Interviews reveal that traditional expectations, conducive to acceptance of gendered experiences for these women's mothers and grandmothers, were transformed into new meaning in the marketplace. However, they do not openly deny dominant ideological practices. In a process that includes both resistance and accommodation, they maintain their business, but keep religious ideologies of obedience and responsibility for household tasks. These ideologies, mostly unacknowledged, may keep some of them as feirantes –market vendors who see themselves and their business as limited. To others, the street becomes a preparatory stage to engage in larger business endeavors; they become empreendedoras informais, who demonstrate an entrepreneurial vision to take the business beyond a small market stall. Findings support the feminist postulate that gendered structural factors significantly shape experiences of women, but also that a strong element of agency marks practices of Brazilian women in the marketplace. In particular, this study contributes to an international scholarship by and for women, exploring cultural influences on their life processes and perceptions. Literature on women and the informal economy should continue to include the pervasiveness of gendered ideologies without neglect to women's capacity for producing change through human agency.

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Cuba! The name alone connotes many things for people be it rum & cigarrs, old Chevys & colonial buildings, Hemingway & Daquires, Castro & communism, Salsa & Reaggaton, parties & calm life, blue oceans & white sandy beaches, poverty & oppression.  As a tourist destination Cuba is sold as a country caught up in a time capsule. Visit before it is too late, before it forever changes (Culturetrip 2017).   When we read or hear about Cuba in the news its usually when extraordinary events are being covered such as President Obamas visit in 2016, the death and funeral of Fidel Castro in the same year or after hurricane Irma hit the island in 2017.  The image we get, on our side of the world, is often fragmented and without an understanding of the context.  This study consists of three reports connected to the Cuban economy. They have been written in an attempt to creat a different type of journalism - slow news journalism.  Instead of using journalism as a way to extract specific information during a specific event the aim has been to extract conceptions of the lived world by using qualitative methods like participant observation and spending time with Cubans in their own society for a longer period of time. The information has unfolded with and through time during fieldwork in Cuba, rather than having been created from a set of already determined priories before leaving Sweden.  The aim has been to find out what Cuban people (in Cuba) think is important in their daily life. What matters to them? What problems are they facing everyday and how do they cope with some of the daily challenges presented to them?  Are Cubans living their lives cut off from the rest of the world?  One of the most discussed or talked about issues in society was connected and related to the economy, which is why the reports focus on this subject. The reports take an economic insight from different perspectives in an attempt to show that the economy effect people differently depending on where they are situatedgeographically, economically, spatial, and societal in cuban society. / Skänkta cyklar får nytt liv på Kuba- Tells the story of a Norweigan aid project in the cuban province Artemisa. What does a bike mean for a family in Cuba? Can everone afford and get one? What do bikes have to do with the cuban economy? Ekonomin, en av de största utmaningarna på Kuba-  Tells the story of the informal and formal market in Cuba. Why are so many Cubans traveling abroad for business? How does the Cuban economy effect people’s daily lives and how do they face the challenges presented to them? Utbredd sexturism på Kuba- Tells the story of sex tourism on the island with the help of interviews with sex byers, jineteiras and procurers. What does the relationship between foreigners (Yumas) and cubans look like?

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present study of agricultural marketing in Itabaiana city analyzed the structure, form, function and process, from the identification and demonstration of the main horticultural imports and exports for this market. In this sense, the research aimed to reflect the dynamic socio-spatial and economic for the marketing of fresh produce in the city. This was justified in desire to contribute to the knowledge of trade and to check the flows and networks established in this space. Therefore, it assumed the direct and indirect observations of facts, through field work, with interviews of various social actors, including: farmers, traders, wholesalers, market traders and supermarkets, interviews and survey data federal, state and municipal and literature research. Information obtained testified that agricultural marketing is a complex activity among those involving the steps of the agriculture production, because it includes several segments that appropriate the production. This process is found in Brazil in the state of Sergipe and more specifically in Itabaiana city, the integration of various social actors in the production chain. In Itabaiana, the establishment of several chains of agricultural products was favored by natural conditions, the suitable farming practices, the historical events that made the city a crossing point between the coast and hinterland, the economic base in trade and agriculture; the "truck culture" that encouraged the import and export of these products. These chains and more specifically agricultural marketing in Itabaiana have been controlled by agents that promote the import and distribution of horticultural and thus feed the formal and informal markets, both local and regional scale. In this way, agricultural marketing has contributed to Itabaiana firm as the largest wholesale market in Sergipe, competing in terms of commercial appeal, with the major wholesaler markets in the Northeast. / O presente estudo de comercialização agrícola na cidade de Itabaiana analisou a estrutura, a forma, a função e o processo, a partir da identificação e demonstração dos principais hortifrutigranjeiros importados e exportados por esse mercado. Neste sentido, a pesquisa teve por objetivo refletir a dinâmica sócio-espacial e econômica decorrente da comercialização de hortifrutigranjeiros no município. Essa se justificou na pretensão de contribuir para o conhecimento das relações comerciais e para verificar os fluxos e as redes estabelecidas nesse espaço. Para tanto, partiu-se de observações diretas e indiretas dos fatos, através do trabalho de campo, com realização de entrevistas entre diversos atores sociais, entre os quais: agricultores, intermediário-atacadistas, feirantes e supermercados; de entrevistas e levantamento de dados com órgãos federais, estaduais e municipais; e de pesquisa bibliográfica. As informações obtidas atestaram que a comercialização agrícola é uma atividade complexa dentre aquelas que envolvem as etapas da cadeia produtiva da agricultura, pois abrange diversos segmentos que se apropriam da produção. Esse processo é verificado no Brasil, no Estado de Sergipe e mais especificamente no município de Itabaiana, pela integração de diversos atores sociais na cadeia produtiva. Em Itabaiana, a constituição de várias cadeias de produtos agrícolas foi favorecida pelas condições naturais, aptas as práticas da agricultura; pelos fatos históricos que fizeram do município um ponto de passagem entre o litoral e o sertão; pela base econômica no comércio e na agricultura; e pela cultura do caminhão que estimulou a importação e exportação desses produtos. Essas cadeias e mais especificamente a comercialização agrícola, em Itabaiana, têm sido controladas por intermediários que promovem a importação e a distribuição dos produtos hortifrutigranjeiros e, conseqüentemente, alimentam os mercados formal e informal, tanto em escala local quanto regional. Deste modo, a comercialização agrícola tem contribuído para que Itabaiana se firme como o maior mercado atacadista do Estado de Sergipe, competindo em termos de atração comercial, com os maiores mercados atacadistas do Nordeste.

The difficulty of transforming war economies into peace economies has become increasingly problematic in the search for long-term peace and stability in Africa. In many African countries such as Sierra Leone, Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo, conflict actors have created distinct war economies in order to maintain the conflict in these countries. The enduring nature of the war economies presents a unique challenge to actors involved in ensuring that peace returns to a country by applying a peacebuilding strategy. The economic environment during a conflict has a vast influence on a post-conflict economy and a post-conflict reconstruction strategy. Although post-war rebuilding occurred during the reconstruction of Europe and Japan after the Second World War, the terms "post-conflict peacebuilding" and "post-conflict reconstruction" have only came to prominence during the mid-1990s. Using the case study of Sierra Leone, this study explores the challenge of war economies and its impact on post-conflict reconstruction. Sierra Leone presents an appealing case study as the country experienced a very profitable war economy during the armed conflict in the country between 1991 and 2002, and continues to struggle to transform this war economy into a peace economy. The case study of Sierra Leone is well researched, however, most studies focus on the conflict period, and only briefly look at the post-conflict period. In addition, discussions of post-conflict reconstruction in Sierra Leone have failed to adequately address the challenges presented by the war economy. This study uses existing analyses about the war economy in Sierra Leone, and links these to the current post-conflict reconstruction strategy, focusing specifically on the economic dimension. Therefore, this study represents a departure from traditional approaches to exploring war economies because it considers the direct impact these economic systems have on the process of post-conflict reconstruction. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The contamination of street vended vegetables may occur through the usage of manure and contaminated irrigation water, and the consumption of these vegetables, such as ready-to-eat salads, can cause foodborne diseases in consumers. The objective of this study was to investigate the Enterobacteriaceae diversity in vegetables sold at informal markets in the Johannesburg Metropolis. A total of 201 vegetable samples were purchased from randomly selected street vendors from different regions in the Johannesburg Metropolis and analysed for aerobic growth count and Enterobacteriaceae contamination using Plate Count Agar (PCA), and violet red bile glucose agar (VRBGA), respectively. The diversity of bacterial isolates was analysed using sequencing and phylogenetic analysis. The aerobic bacterial growth counts of vegetables from all the regions ranged from 7.66(±0.759) to 8.37(±0.347) log10 cfu/g and the mean aerobic growth counts of vegetables from Soweto and Yeoville were significantly different (p ≤ 0.05) from those of the other regions, but were not significantly (p > 0.05) different across different vegetable types. The Enterobacteriaceae growth counts in vegetables from all the regions ranged from 5.05 (±0.647) to 5.45 (±0.693) log10 cfu/g. The mean Enterobacteriaceae growth counts of vegetables were not significantly (p > 0.05) across each region and different vegetables types. The predominant Enterobacteria genera were Serratia (35%), followed by Hafnia (21%), Aeromonas (17%), and Pseudomonas (5%). In conclusion, this study shows that the vegetables sold at the informal markets in the Johannesburg Metropolis have high aerobic bacterial growth and Enterobacteriaceae contamination due to poor hygiene practices. The dominant Enterobacteriaceae genera isolated are Aeromonas, Hafnia, Serratia, and Pseudomonas, which could be opportunistic pathogens. It is recommended that the Department of Health improves vending and sanitation facilities, to prevent cross contamination. / Life and Consumer Sciences / M. Sc. (Life Sciences)

Nairobi compte près de 200 bidonvilles où vit 70% de sa population. La plupart des habitants manquent de sécurité foncière et subissent des menaces constantes d'expulsion forcée. Pourtant, nous en savons encore très peu sur la façon dont ces établissements se forment, se développent et se consolident dans des espaces urbains contestés et comment leurs habitants s'adaptent aux conditions d'incertitude. Une partie de la raison réside dans l'écart entre les théories de design et d'adaptation. Alors que la théorie du design se concentre principalement sur les processus cognitifs des professionnels (en négligeant les mécanismes d'adaptation adoptés par les habitants des bidonvilles), les transformations spatiales dans les taudis sont souvent abordées par la théorie de la résilience qui, de son côté, ne tient pas compte des processus de design. Quel est le rôle du design dans les processus d'adaptation liés à des espaces urbains contestés? Je réponds à cette question en explorant les relations entre le design et les capacités d'adaptation dans le Toi Market, le deuxième plus grand marché informel de Nairobi. J'étudie les régimes fonciers du marché et les pratiques de design des commerçants au moyen d’une étude de cas combinant des enquêtes longitudinales et transversales. Le parcours de recherche est abductif. Le cadre conceptuel de la recherche est basé sur une revue de la littérature sur le régime foncier et la théorie du design. Les concepts de rationalité limitée, d'incertitude et de mécanismes adaptatifs constituent la base du cadre théorique utilisé pour analyser les données empiriques. La méthodologie comprend l’observation participante, 59 entrevues avec les commerçants, des rencontres avec les leaders du marché, des techniques de cartographie et l'analyse de plus de 80 documents pertinents sur le marché. Les résultats montrent que le Toi Market a trois types de conditions foncières controversées et que les commerçants mènent des activités de design à trois niveaux: le design de développement, le design évolutif et le design de consolidation. Le design de développement consiste en des initiatives collectives d'adaptation suscitées par des mécanismes de survie. Ce type de design émerge en réaction aux interventions urbaines ordinaires. Il renforce le capital social et vise à améliorer la fonctionnalité du marché. Le design évolutif est mené par des sous-groupes communautaires en réponse aux principaux événements et aux forces externes. Il conduit à des changements sociaux et morphologiques à l’échelle urbaine et dépend des mécanismes de gouvernance et de contrôle. Le design de consolidation fait référence à des initiatives adaptatives dirigées par des individus et des groupes et menées en période de relative stabilité. Il renforce le développement économique et les réseaux, et cherche à atteindre la sécurité foncière. Il émerge principalement dans des niches vacantes, car les habitants des bidonvilles profitent des espaces vides et sous-utilisés. Ces trois niveaux de design génèrent ce que j'appelle ici les établissements multiniveaux. J’oppose ce concept à celui de « quartiers informels », un concept qui ne représente pas la façon dont les bidonvilles et les marchés fonctionnent et évoluent. Je rejette donc la dichotomie formelle/informelle qui persiste dans la littérature. La notion d’habitat multiniveaux reconnaît l'influence d’alliances changeantes et de multiples niveaux de gouvernance comme faisant partie intégrale des processus de design. Dans ces habitats, le design émerge comme un connecteur de capacités adaptatives. Les concepts d’habitats multiniveaux, de niche vacante et de design en tant que connecteur de capacités adaptatives peuvent aider des intervenants à développer des initiatives d’amélioration des bidonvilles qui répondent à l'approche de design adoptée par les habitants de bidonvilles. Ces initiatives peuvent reconnaître la présence d'alliances multiples qui parfois entravent – et d'autres qui favorisent – le changement désiré. Les pratiques de design communautaire peuvent également être adaptées pour équilibrer les objectifs collectifs et individuels. En comprenant ces concepts, les décideurs peuvent à la fois optimiser l'espace disponible en fonction des pratiques locales et prévoir la façon dont les modèles apparaîtront dans les espaces prévus. Enfin, j'encourage les chercheurs à explorer davantage la pensée et la pratique de design des habitants de bidonvilles et de les inclure dans la théorie du design. / Nairobi has nearly 200 slums where 70% of its population live. Most slum dwellers lack tenure security and suffer the constant threat of eviction. Yet, we still know very little about how these slums form, grow, and consolidate in contested urban spaces, and how their residents adapt to uncertainty. Part of the reason lies in the gap between design and adaptation theories. Whereas design theory focuses mainly on professionals’ cognitive processes (largely ignoring adaptation mechanisms adopted by slum dwellers), spatial transformations in slums are often addressed by resilience theory, which usually overlooks design processes. What is the role of design in adaptation processes in contested urban spaces? I answer this question by exploring the relationships between design and adaptive capacities in the Toi Market, the second largest informal market in Nairobi. I study the market’s tenure regimes and traders’ design practices through a case study that combines longitudinal and cross-section investigation. The research reasoning is abductive, made of iterative paths between conceptual frameworks and empirical results. It is largely based on a literature review on land tenure and design theory. The concepts of bounded rationality, uncertainty, and adaptive mechanisms constitute the basis of the theoretical framework used to analyse the empirical data. Methods include participant observation, 59 interviews with traders, meetings with market leaders, mapping techniques and the analysis of over 80 pertinent documents about the market. Results show that the Toi Market has three types of controversial tenure regimes and traders conduct design at three levels: development design, evolutionary design, and consolidation design. Development design consists of collective adaptive initiatives prompted by survival mechanisms. It strengthens social capital, emerges in reaction to ordinary urban interventions, and seeks to improve functionality. Evolutionary design is conducted by community sub-groups in response to major external forces and events. It leads to social and morphological changes at the urban scale and depends on governance and control mechanisms. Consolidation design refers to individual and group-led adaptive initiatives conducted during times of relative stability. It reinforces economic development and networks and seeks to achieve land tenure security. It emerges mainly in vacant niches, as slum-dwellers take advantage of empty, underused spaces. These three levels of design generate what I call here Multi-Level Settlements. I oppose this concept to “informal settlements” that fails to represent how slums and markets work and evolve. I thus reject the formal/informal dichotomy that persists in literature. The Multi-level concept recognises shifting alliances and multiple levels of governance as integral part of design processes. In it, design emerges as a connector of adaptive capacities. The concepts of Multi-Level Settlements, Vacant Niche and Design as a connector of adaptive capacities can help developing slum upgrading initiatives that meet the design approach naturally adopted by slum-dwellers. These initiatives can therefore acknowledge the presence of multiple alliances, which sometimes hinder—and others, foster—desired change. Community design practices can also be tailored to balance collective and individual objectives. By understanding these concepts, decision-makers can both optimize available space according to local practices and forecast how patterns will emerge in planned spaces. Finally, I encourage scholars and practitioners to further explore slum-dwellers’ design-thinking and practices to include them in mainstream design theory.