<p>Today, Sweden is to be regarded as a country formed by the influences and effects of immigration. The government is considering integration as a process aimed to influent all forms of welfare politics and as a project working both at an individual and at a social level. The aims of integration policies are to guarantee equal rights and opportunities, to form a public community characterized by diversity, and to mobilize all citizens to participate in and to be jointly responsible for a social development characterized by mutual respect and tolerance. During the Swedish election campaign of 2002, integration policies became one of the most reported and discussed political questions in the media. </p><p>The aim of this essay is to study and analyze discursive statements on integration policies made by politicians during this election campaign. The method applied for this task is critical discourse analysis. The empirical ground consists of currently relevant political documents together with articles from Sweden’s four largest daily newspapers. The theoretical framework consists of knowledge of social constructivism, philosophy of language, democracy, Governmentality, media and postcolonialism together with knowledge of fields of tension within the field of integration policies itself. </p><p>In this essay, the conclusion of integration policies is that it ought to be looked upon as a project of normalization. In this project, a subject of integration policies is constituted and made conscious of its unlikeness; objectives of a good life are formulated and a career for succeeding with the objectives is ascribed to the subject; and relations between the subject and other operators are being disciplined.</p>

Den här uppsatsen undersöker hur medielogik och public service-värdena uttrycks i SVT:s partiledarutfrågning hösten 2010. En totalundersökning i form av kvantitativ och kvalitativ innehållsanalys är gjord av samtliga partiledarutfrågningar som sändes i SVT veckorna före valet, samt respektive partis valmanifest. Fyra frågor mättes först kvantitativt och analyserades därefter kvalitativt med utgångspunkt i vilka medborgargrupper som synliggörs, hur partiledarnas privata angelägenheter exponeras, hur valmanifestens innehåll överensstämmer med de teman som journalisterna tar upp i utfrågningarna, samt regeringsbildningskomplikationer och samarbetssvårigheter av olika slag. I den kvantitativa analysen framkom att konsumentperspektivet dominerar, men skillnaden är stor i de olika partiledarutfrågningarna. Den personliga exponeringen av partiledarna ger minst utrymme åt dåvarande statsministerkandidaterna Fredrik Reinfeldt (m) och Mona Sahlin (s), men även åt Maud Olofsson (c). Valmanifestens överensstämmelse med de journalistiska frågeställningarna visade på stora skillnader mellan de olika partiledarutfrågningarna. Mest kommunikationsutrymme åt komplikationer ges med det Rödgröna blocket (och då främst de mindre partierna Miljöpartiet och Vänsterpartiet.) Resultaten av vår undersökning är varierande, beroende på vilken frågeställning det gäller. Delar av public service-värdet verkar ha haft olika stor genomslagskraft hos de större partierna jämfört med de mindre partierna gällande konsekvenserna för de enskilda fallen och partiets politik. Ett återkommande tema är skildringen av politik som att den tar ifrån människor något snarare än att politiken tillför människor något. Ett annat drag vi har noterat är att medborgaren framställs som offer för något (nya bensinpriset, sjukförsäkringen, gymnasiereformen…) I ett samhälle som får allt större problem att engagera medborgarna i det politiska livet, kan det vara av värde att fråga sig hur stort ansvar medierna har för detta. Poängteras bör slutligen att de resultat vi kommer fram till inte ska refereras till journalistiken som profession, utan snarare belysa vikten av att en medveten strategi behövs för att lyfta fram de krafter som strävar mot medielogikens komponenter i form av polarisering, konkretisering och förenkling. / This essay examines how media logic and public service values are expressed in the SVT party leaders hearing fall of 2010. A comprehensive study in the form of quantitative and qualitative content analysis was made by all party leaders hearings broadcast on SVT weeks before the election, and each party's election manifesto. Four questions were measured primary quantitatively, and were then assayed qualitatively on the basis of the civic groups that are made visible, how the party leaders' private affairs are exposed, how the manifesto contents are consistent with the journalistic issues during the hearings, and government complications and cooperation difficulties of various kinds. The quantitative analysis indicated that consumer perspective dominates, but the difference is large in the various party leaders hearings. The personal exposure of the party leaders will have the least room for the then prime minister candidates Fredrik Reinfeldt (m) and Mona Sahlin (s), but also to Maud Olofsson (c). Manifesto conformity with the journalistic issues showed significant differences between the various party leaders hearings. Most communications space to complications are exposed with the Rödgröna blocket (and particularly the smaller parties, Miljöpartiet and Vänsterpartiet.) The results of our study are varied, depending on the issue in question. Components of the public service value seems to have a greater impact in the major parties compared to the smaller parties regarding the consequences for the individual cases and party policies. An overall theme is the presentation of policy that it takes away something from people rather than it adds. Another feature we have noticed is that the people were presented as victims of something (new price of gasoline, health insurance, upper secondary school reform ...) In a society of growing problems with involving the citizens in the political life, it may be useful to ask how much responsibility the media has of this. Finally it should be pointed out, that the results we arrive at should not be referred to journalism as a profession, but rather emphasize the necessity of a planned strategy to highlight the forces that strive to media logic components in the form of polarization, concretization and simplification.

Today, Sweden is to be regarded as a country formed by the influences and effects of immigration. The government is considering integration as a process aimed to influent all forms of welfare politics and as a project working both at an individual and at a social level. The aims of integration policies are to guarantee equal rights and opportunities, to form a public community characterized by diversity, and to mobilize all citizens to participate in and to be jointly responsible for a social development characterized by mutual respect and tolerance. During the Swedish election campaign of 2002, integration policies became one of the most reported and discussed political questions in the media. The aim of this essay is to study and analyze discursive statements on integration policies made by politicians during this election campaign. The method applied for this task is critical discourse analysis. The empirical ground consists of currently relevant political documents together with articles from Sweden’s four largest daily newspapers. The theoretical framework consists of knowledge of social constructivism, philosophy of language, democracy, Governmentality, media and postcolonialism together with knowledge of fields of tension within the field of integration policies itself. In this essay, the conclusion of integration policies is that it ought to be looked upon as a project of normalization. In this project, a subject of integration policies is constituted and made conscious of its unlikeness; objectives of a good life are formulated and a career for succeeding with the objectives is ascribed to the subject; and relations between the subject and other operators are being disciplined.

This study is a based on a quantitative content analysis with the purpose to analyse if the Swedish Radio’s local radio channel P4 Norrbotten is objective during there coverage of the 2014 election in Sweden. The analysed material consists of the newscast from the local radiostation. All newscasts were broadcasted from September 1st 2014 to September 14th 2014. The material was transcribed at the The Swedish Media Database (SMDB) at the National Library of Sweden. The study used different theories, the objectivity concept presented by Westerståhl (1972) and a theory presented by Asp (2011) about how political parties and political actors are favoured or disadvantaged by the news presented in the local broadcast. The political theory of mediatization has also been used. 600 analysis units were encoded in the code analysis. Of these, 84 were about the 2014 election or contained political parties. Results from the quantitative content analysis shows that the Social Democrats where the political party that occurred most frequently in the news. Asp’s (2011) theory shows that the Swedish Democrats were favoured the most from news reporting, while the Green Party was most disadvantaged by the news reporting. According to the results from the code analysis, the local radiostation P4 Norrbotten is objective in its news coverage of the 2014 election campaign in Sweden. / Denna studie är en kvantitativ innehållsanalys där syftet är att undersöka om Sveriges Radio P4 Norrbotten är objektiv i sin bevakning av valrörelsen 2014. Materialet som är analyserat är P4 Norrbottens egna nyhetssändningar som sändes mellan den första september 2014 till och med den 14:e september 2014. Materialet har samlats in och transkriberats vid SMDB vid Kungliga Biblioteket i Stockholm, Sverige. De teorier som har använts är Westerståhls (1972) objektivitetsbegrepp, Asps (2011) aktörsbehandlingsindex samt politisk medialisering. 600 analysenheter kodades i kodanalysen. Av dessa berörde 89 stycken antingen valet 2014 eller så förekom politiska partier. Resultatet från kodanalysen visar att Socialdemokraterna var det parti som förekom mest frekvent i nyheterna. Utifrån aktörsbehandlingsindexet gynnades Sverigedemokraterna mest av rapporteringen medan Miljöpartiet missgynnades mest av nyhetsrapporteringen. Enligt resultatet från kodanalysen är P4 Norrbotten objektiva i sin bevakning av valrörelsen 2014.