This study examined the extent to which the espoused values and ethics of rural Manitoba school principals were reflected in their practice. The present study was framed around the possibility of seeing the rural Manitoba school principalship, ultimately, as a moral practice. To do this, attention was given primarily to Western philosophical approaches to human understanding and their relationship to the development of values and based on contemporary understandings of the Western philosophical traditions that have dominated the conversation around ethical administrative practice. The social context of this research concentrated on leadership experiences of four school principals in rural Manitoba. A form of naturalistic inquiry model was used to gather a sense of the stories of these principals through the lens of their personal value structures and the impact their values structures have on their professional decision-making processes. The analysis of the data showed no evidence of the principals separating their personal values from their professional values. Also, the local community context figured strongly in the working lives of the principals, and was a main factor in their decision-making priorities. Values of democracy, faith, respect, and common vision were cited as having a stronger impact than things such as policy, law and even consensus in their leadership approaches. There is much more to be said about the experiences of the rural Manitoba school principals than merely the role of the local community context in their working lives. A comparison to the experiences of urban Manitoba school principals might disclose a greater attention other variables such as justice and critique in the rural principalship than is readily apparent. A deeper and more comprehensive examination of rural stories would potentially bring to light the compelling nature of their character.

We, as a society, have been presented with a massive problem to solve. As the northern hemisphere (and increasingly parts of the southern hemisphere) continue efforts for economic growth, security, and personal comfort; topics of ecological damage, climate change, hunger, disease, poverty, exploitation, and war become more and more commonplace in our collective psyche. In order to find solutions, we must stop using old ways of thinking in favor of a ‘new story’, one that places humans within nature instead of in control over it. While top level efforts are important, even more critical to this topic are the people charged with teaching these new ideas, beliefs, and behaviors. The question that arises from this is, what are the beliefs and values of the teachers who are viewed as passionate or leaders in the field of Education for Sustainable Development (ESD)? What have they learned or experienced that has led them to teach from an ecologically literate perspective and/or towards a greater understanding and acceptance of social responsibility? This study collects the stories and experiences of six high school science teachers and ESD practitioners currently working in Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. Stories were analyzed to discover: individual values and belief sets of teachers as well as their progression from childhood to novice teacher to ESD practitioner; and experiences that promoted currently held beliefs and values. As a result, the data shows ESD practitioners to be dedicated and committed individuals, whose values and attitudes stem directly from childhood experiences in nature coupled with parental/adult encouragement. From their stories and experiences, it is clear that successful implementation of values based ESD programs rests sole on the shoulders of the people asked to teach it.

Canada’s urban forests play a critical role in local environmental systems and conditions, and will likely be the most influential forest of the 21st century (Nowak et al. 2001; Dwyer et al. 2003). Winnipeg is home to the largest remaining elm forest in North America and has a long and unique history with its residents. While a great deal of research has examined the many urban forest benefits, there was opportunity to further develop an understanding of residents expressed values and preferences in relation to Winnipeg’s urban forest ecosystems. The study adopted a qualitative research approach, collecting data through multiple methods including site tours, participant journals, photo elicitation, and follow-up semi-structured interviews. The results indicate that Winnipeggers have deeply held urban forest values, particularly in relation to aesthetics, naturalness and biodiversity, and social values such as recreation and alternative uses. Personal development of the values held began early in life, has occurred over time, and is continually reassessed through critical reflection.

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The thesis begins with a brief introduction in which I set out a number of the major questions which I intend to consider. I indicate that the focus for discussion will be functional words. Two questions regarding functional words are asked. First, do they have descriptive content? Second, do they have evaluative content? After a brief discussion, I attempt to set out the significance of these two questions. I point out that both are potentially significant relative to recent controversies over how description is related to evaluation. I indicate, however, that my chief concern will not be with the prescriptivist/naturalist controversy; rather, my chief concern will be with attempting to discover the role played by functional words in both descriptive and evaluative contexts The purpose of the discussion will be to discover whether an analysis of functional words can shed any light on the nature of the fact/value relationship. After raising a number of subsidiary questions, which, it is hoped, will aid the reader in following the argument, I introduce some terminology of which the notion of an F-word is central. A definition of 'F-word' is provided in Chapter II. The 'definition' with which the notion is introduced is simply that an F-word is any word which is like functional words in relevant respects. [page ii of abstract missing] In Chapter IV the discussion turns to a detailed examination of a suggestion of Hare in The Language of Morals. I find it necessary to reconstruct his suggestion and find it contains three elements. Of these three elements I argue that Hare is correct in thinking that in F-inferences, a standard of evaluation is introduced by the use of an F-word. I then argue that Hare is incorrect in thinking that, as in inferences from pure descriptions to hypothetical imperatives, the standard of evaluation in F-inferences is introduced via the conclusion of the inference. Finally, I argue that Hare is incorrect in his view that both hypothetical imperatives and F-conclusions are analytic qua their imperative or evaluative content. I then point out that F-conclusions and hypothetical imperatives; are dissimilcir in this important respect, namely, that unlike hypothetical imperatives, evaluations entailed by F-descriptions are genuine evaluations. Chapter V is a summary of the conclusions which follow from the arguments of the first part of the thesis. I conclude that F-words do have both descriptive and evaluative content. Further, that their descriptive and evaluative content derive from the same source, namely, the fact that F-words identify objects by reference to their function. Because of this, the descriptive content of F-words cannot be separated off from their evaluative content and expressed in descriptive sentences which have no evaluative content. In this sense, F-words and F-descriptions cannot be eliminated. The chapter closes by asking whether there is a second sense in which F-words cannot be eliminated. I ask, 'Are F-words such that to eliminate them from one's descriptive vocabulary is to eliminate the possibility of using descriptive language?' The over all purpose of Part II is to answer the question posed at the conclusion of Part I. I begin that task with a two chapter examination of the relation between perception and goal directed behavior. The basis of the argument is the proposition that if the ability to engage in goal directed behavior is a necessary condition of perception, then the purposes or goals which guide human conduct will be reflected in the ways we identify things. The discussion in Chapter VI and VII revolves around three questions: (i) is perception a necessary feature of goal directed behavior? (ii) is perception itself a form of goal directed behavior? (iii) is there a necessary relation between perception and agency such that it is logically necessary that perceivers are agents? The first two questions are discussed in Chapter VI, the third in Chapter VII. The first question finds a positive answer. A thing which is incapable of perception is incapable, as a consequence, of goal directed behavior. The second question is answered negatively. I point out, however, that perception does exhibit a number of characteristics whose possession suggests that perception has much in common with goal directed behavior. Chapter VII considers the question 'Is there a logically necessary relation between perception and agency such that only agents are capable of perception?'. I argue that: (i) it is logically necessary that something be an agent if it is to be determined that it is a percipient thing; (ii) only if a percipient thing is an agent can it be determined what it is capabl of perceiving; (iii) there is convincing empirical evidence which demonstrates that perceptual skills are acquired in the context of goal directed behavior and further that this does have an important bearing on what someone does in fact perceive; but (iv) the kinds of arguments which attempt to show that percipient things logically must be agents are unconvincing. The next two chapters turn to a discussion of the relation between description and goal directed behavior. I argue that the use of descriptive language for communication is possible only to agents. Descriptive uses of language can be taught only if it is possible to establish publicly what the words in the language mean. A number of arguments are used to show that this is a genuine problem and one which cannot be overcome by non-agents. From this it is seen to follow that for communication to be possible, at least some of the objects about which communication takes place must be identified as objects of manipulation. I argue that it follows from this that for descriptive language users, a fundamental and non-eliminable way of identifying objects is as objects of manipulation. Chapter IX is devoted to an attempt to develop and illustrate the conclusions of Chapter VIII through the use of a model. In the course of the discussion, I show that an object of manipulation is an F-object. Chapter X is the concluding chapter of Part II. I conclude that to communicate using descriptive language f an individual must be able to identify at least some of the F-objects which those with whom he wishes to communicate are able to identify. I suggest that this constitutes a second sense in which F-words are not eliminable. Chapter XI comprises Part III of the thesis. Its purpose is to sum up in a brief way the conclusions of the previous two parts. It also suggests in a highly speculative way some possible implications of the position arrived at in the course of previous argument.

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In this thesis the writer outlines one form that an evolutionary-developmental paradigm of humankind might take. Beginning with the idealist position than an epistemology must precede an ontology, the author proceeds to describe the view that emerges when the respected authorities of empirical evidence and logic are joined by the eye that gives us a "scientia intuitiva," or a view "sub specie aeternitatis." From such an expanded view, a Wave Model of Consciousness-Being is formulated. The writer examines the implications of this model for values education theory as well as several other related topics.

The availability of clean water is fundamental to the survival of all living things. Humans have altered fresh water cycles in a number of ways that affect both water quality and quantity. This has led to a global water crisis where an estimated nine million people are without access to a clean and reliable source of water. Yet water is more than a basic need, more than a physical resource. As a facet of daily life for communities all over the world, water carries many different cultural values and meanings. These values and meanings, in turn, have a strong influence on how people use water and how they relate to sources and suppliers of water. My study examined the complex and global challenge of managing water by focusing on cultural values and meanings about water on a local scale. I took an ethnographic approach to understanding the relationship between cultural values and water resources in the Sierra y Huasteca region of Hidalgo state in East-Central Mexico. Through participant observation, semi-structured household interviews and key informant interviews I: 1) described how water is used, obtained and managed; 2) evaluated local concerns about water management and access; and 3) compare two different water management systems; a communally managed system and a municipally managed system. My research resulted in three major findings. These were: 1) water scarcity is the main water concern in the two communities, which people attribute to deforestation; 2) despite considerable differences between the communities the primary concerns and values of water are the same; and 3) growing concern about water and other resources may be resulting in an increased environmental consciousness among the people in the two communities. This research contributes to practical, policy, and scholarly discussions about the relationships between humans and their natural resources. Understanding local social and cultural values can help in the effort to find equitable and feasible solutions to the global water crisis.