This dissertation explores a collection of letters of denunciation against Jews during Vichy France 1940-1944 which is housed at the Mémorial de la Shoah in Paris. In order to situate this epistolary corpus in its historical context, the opening chapter recounts the ambivalent relationship of France with its Jewish population, i.e., the continuity of French anti-Semitic images and tropes during the German Occupation, and the centrality of anti-Semitism as an organizing principle of Vichy's project of National Revolution. Methodological and theoretical considerations are presented in a chapter informed by the work of Derrida, Foucault, and Schwab that deals with the politics of commemoration and memorialization of the Shoah in France. The Mémorial de la Shoah itself is theorized as a fortress and crypt where repressed memories are confined, the archive housing artifacts of trauma, which are the letters themselves. One hundred and twenty six were examined through a literary lens shaped by the reading of critical theorists so as to identify the rhetorical devices and the various types of discourse that organize them. Based on this taxonomy, the second part of the dissertation provides a detailed analysis of twenty-five letters of denunciation that illustrate the representative types of discourse that inform this corpus of epistolary hatred: the discourses of otherness, illegality, propaganda and civic engagement, and the affective discourses of vengeance, envy, and inverted victimhood. Each of these letters is also read in relation to the anti-Jewish legislation of the time (Statuts des Juifs and German Ordinances) and the work of historians who specialize in Vichy France, thereby unearthing the voice of the everyday perpetrators of the regime, who, in their small mindedness felt a certain agency and power that could turn lethal. But because perpetrators and victims are inextricably entwined in these texts, one can also infer the silent presence, the testimony of the victims they denounced. With this insight in mind, we conclude by revisiting the issue of memorialization, the preservation or erasure of sites of memory of the Shoah in France.

Cette thèse de doctorat vise à étendre l’étude de la délation antisémite à Paris pendant l’Occupation allemande en explorant plus en détail les contextes institutionnels et sociaux du phénomène de la délation afin de mieux mesurer leur importance dans le Paris occupé. Dans un premier temps, elle explore les différents mécanismes institutionnels qui contribuèrent, d’une part, à l’introduction d’une réglementation antisémite d’origine allemande et française, et d’autre part à entretenir un climat propice au développement de la délation dans le cadre de cette réglementation, notamment à travers la propagande et la menée d’opérations visant à réprimer les « ennemis » du régime de Vichy et de l’occupant nazi, tout en fournissant aux délateurs divers relais où ceux-ci pouvaient adresser leurs reproches à l’endroit des Juifs. Ensuite, puisque la délation est avant tout un phénomène populaire, c’est-à-dire qui émana des individus, la thèse ausculte les différentes caractéristiques du contexte de l’Occupation et leurs conséquences au niveau populaire afin d’identifier les éléments qui furent mis à profit par les auteurs des délations dans leurs accusations contre les Juifs et les mobiles qui incitèrent les délateurs à les dénoncer aux autorités. Elle analyse aussi les nombreuses stratégies rhétoriques employées par les délateurs dans leurs tentatives de convaincre les autorités du bien fondé de leurs démarches. Enfin, elle propose un portrait général des caractéristiques « sociales » des victimes à travers une étude quantitative du phénomène.

During the Second World War France was divided into occupied and unoccupied zone. The unoccupied zone was ruled by autonomous regime with official seat in the town of Vichy. Representatives of the Vichist regime collaborated with the Nazis and carried out anti-Jewish policy. After the war General de Gaulle, in order to establish unity, declared the Vichist regime invalid. After the French society was cleared of the war collaborators the Vichy episode was erased from the history of France At the beginning of the seventies in France began to appear tendencies to search the real course of the war occupation period. Shooting the film Le Chagrin et la Pitié or editing the French translation of Rober Paxton's book La France de Vichy may serve as examples. Since the early nineties French intellectuals tried to persuade political representatives to recognize officially the responsibility of France for Vichy crimes. This act was done by President Jacques Chirac in 1995. Simultaneously with discussions on the Vichist past a struggle for fair punishment of war collaborators for crimes against humanity was going on in the French society. Paul Touvier, former militiamen, was sentenced in 1994 and Maurice Papon, former official of the Vichist regime, in 1998.

This thesis examines the involvement of the French Freemason movement in the Resistance during the Occupation of France by the Germans 1939-1945, its relationship with the Vichy government and the effect the 'Nouvelle Révolution' had on the lives of individual Masons. To set the scene and to put the role of Freemasonry into perspective in the life of France and the French political system, the origins of French Freemasonry are examined and explained. The main French Masonic obediences are discussed and the differences between them emphasised. The particular attributes of a Freemason are described and the ideals and ethos of the Order is discussed. From its earliest days, Freemasonry has often been persecuted by the Roman Catholic Church or by extreme Right-wing movements. The history of this persecution is reviewed and the reasons for its persistence noted, with especial emphasis on the treatment of Freemasons under the fascist regimes of Italy and Germany. The fate of Freemasonry in countries under German control is also briefly examined. With the occupation of France by the Germans, the differences and similarities of the treatment of French and German Freemasons are discussed. The processes and legislation of this ban are closely examined and the part played by the Vichy government in the persecution of French Freemasonry is discussed. The effects of this persecution and the consequences for individuals are examined and the Freemason's role in the emerging Resistance movement is reviewed. The contribution of many lodges to the Resistance movement is examined and the sacrifice of many Freemasons for their ideals is emphasised.

Zugl.: München, Univ., Diss., 2007

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T23:43:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_10566_Dissertacao João Ricardo - Versão Final.pdf: 635371 bytes, checksum: 8a485c03394cfc247b8873fc28f5f8a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-16 / Essa pesquisa busca compreender aspectos históricos e estéticos da obra O pequeno príncipe, do aviador e escritor francês Saint-Éxupery, apoiando-se em conceitos teóricos da estética da recepção, de Hans-Robert Jauss. Objetiva-se delinear o possível horizonte de expectativas em que se insere a primeira recepção dessa obra, no momento de sua publicação para os públicos americano e francês. O estudo dos contextos histórico, social e artístico da primeira à segunda guerras mundiais será o ponto de apoio para abarcar as transformações no horizonte das expectativas literárias acarretadas pelos avanços e recuos políticos do período. Desse ponto de vista, O pequeno príncipe é encarado como obra da Resistência francesa contra o governo de Vichy e a dominação alemã, evidenciando como o romance contrariasse expectativas literárias comuns àquele momento histórico.

Cette thèse de doctorat vise à étendre l’étude de la délation antisémite à Paris pendant l’Occupation allemande en explorant plus en détail les contextes institutionnels et sociaux du phénomène de la délation afin de mieux mesurer leur importance dans le Paris occupé. Dans un premier temps, elle explore les différents mécanismes institutionnels qui contribuèrent à l’introduction d’une réglementation antisémite d’origine allemande et française, à entretenir un climat propice au développement de la délation dans le cadre de cette réglementation, notamment à travers la propagande et la menée d’opérations visant à réprimer les « ennemis » du régime de Vichy et de l’occupant nazi, tout en fournissant aux délateurs divers relais où ceux-ci pouvaient adresser leurs reproches à l’endroit des Juifs. Ensuite, puisque la délation est avant tout un phénomène populaire, c’est-à-dire qui émana des individus, la thèse ausculte les différentes caractéristiques du contexte de l’Occupation et leurs conséquences au niveau populaire afin d’identifier les éléments qui furent mis à profit par les auteurs des délations dans leurs accusations contre les Juifs, et les mobiles qui incitèrent les délateurs à les dénoncer aux autorités. Elle analyse aussi les nombreuses stratégies rhétoriques employées par les délateurs dans leurs tentatives de convaincre les autorités du bien fondé de leurs démarches. Enfin, elle propose un portrait général des caractéristiques « sociales » des victimes à travers une étude quantitative du phénomène. / This dissertation attempts to further the study of the denunciation of Jews in Paris during the German Occupation by exploring in more detail the various institutional and social contexts of the phenomenon of denunciation to measure their importance in the larger context of occupied Paris. First, it explores institutional mechanisms who contributed to the introduction of a German and a French anti-Semitic legislation, to maintain an environment conductive to the development of denunciation in the context of this regulation, notably through propaganda and repressive operations that targeted the “enemies” of the Vichy regime as well as the German occupant, while providing the authors of denunciation with relays ready to accept and synthesize the accusations against the Jews. Second, because denunciation is at its origin a “popular” phenomenon, that is to say it originates from individuals, this dissertation analyses the various characteristics of the context of the Occupation and their consequences on the French population in an attempt to identify the elements that were put to use by denouncers in their accusations against Jews, as well as the motives that influenced their decision to contact the authorities. This section also analyzes the multitude of rhetorical strategies used by denouncers in their effort to convince the authorities of the merits of their approach. Finally, it proposes a general picture of the “social” characteristics of the victims and authors of denunciation through a quantitative study of the phenomenon.

Entre 1930 et 1945, l’Indochine connaît des bouleversements conduisant à un profond réaménagement de la politique coloniale française axée sur une projet identitaire novateur. Cependant, la Seconde Guerre mondiale et l’arrivée du régime de Vichy contribuent à modifier cette approche. Dirigée par l’amiral Decoux, l’Indochine vit à l’heure de la Révolution nationale métropolitaine. Fidèle exécutante du projet métropolitain de « régénérescence » nationale, l’Indochine sous Vichy se construit une identité fédérale sous autorité française et poursuit la construction d’une multitude d’identités nationales locales. Mais le contexte de la guerre donne à ce projet un but également utilitaire, à savoir conserver la fidélité des populations indochinoises face à l’irrédentisme siamois et les prétentions impérialistes japonaises. Embrigadant les populations, réprimant les opposants indochinois, mais aussi français, vantant un programme à la fois culturel, racial, scolaire, l’Indochine devient la fille fidèle du régime métropolitain. Cette comparaison peut également s’étendre par sa relation compliquée et conflictuelle avec un occupant japonais qui exerce sur la péninsule un contrôle et des pressions multiformes donnant lieu à une collaboration peu connue. Néanmoins, l’évolution du conflit, la promotion d’identités locales exclusives et les refus français de dépasser un cadre colonial aboutissent à l’émergence des premières fractures et à l’implosion de l’Indochine française. / Between 1930 and 1945, Indochina underwent upheavals leading to a profound reorganization of French colonial policy centred on an innovative project of identites. However, the Second World War and the arrival of the Vichy regime contributed to modifying this approach. Managed by admiral Decoux, Indochina was in step with the metropolitan national Revolution. Faithful performer of the metropolitan project of national " régénérescence ", Indochina under Vichy built itself a federal identity under French authority and pursued the construction of a multitude of local national identities. But the context of the war also gave this project a utilitarian purpose, namely preserving the loyalty of the Indochinese populations opposite the Siamese irredentism and to Japanese imperialist claims. Recruiting populations, repressing Indochinese opponents. It also saw the French, praise the elaborate a cultural, racial, and school program. Indochina thereby became the faithful daughter of the metropolitan Pétainist regime. This comparison can also be extended by its complicated and conflicting relation with a Japanese occupant who exercised control and multiform pressures on the peninsula, thus giving rise to a little known collaboration. Nevertheless, the evolution of the conflict, the promotion of exclusive local identities and the French refusals to exceed colonial limits resulted in the emergence of the first fractures that would lead to the implosion of French Indochina.

La toponymie urbaine ou plus précisément l'odonymie en tant qu'objet d'histoire est un outil particulièrement pertinent pour comprendre les mentalités, les représentations et les comportements passés. L'analyse de l'implantation des dénominations urbaines en synchronie et en diachronie permet d'observer les enjeux politiques et mémoriels qui se cristallisent autour de ce support. L'objet de ce travail est de souligner les répercussions des affrontements politiques et symboliques sur le corpus des dénominations urbaines dans l'espace de la France méridionale au cours de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, particulièrement durant la période du régime de Vichy. L'espace de la recherche concerné correspond à la partie méridionale de ce que l'on a surnommé le Royaume du Maréchal, c'est-à-dire les 30 départements de la zone non occupée. Les bornes chronologiques choisies s'étendent de la conférence de Munich en 1938 jusqu'au Coup de Prague de 1948 en passant par la Libération. La collecte et l'analyse des décisions de modification de la toponymie urbaine a pour objectif d'évaluer la pénétration de l'idéologie de la Révolution nationale par le biais de cet instrument de propagande permanent et quotidien qu'est la plaque bleue. Les enlèvements de monuments républicains sont aussi évoqués ainsi que les affrontements mémoriels qui surgissent à la Libération / Urban toponymy, or to be more accurate, odonymy as a subject of history is a tool, particularly relevant in the understanding of the former ways of thinking, representations and behaviours. The analysis of the urban naming establishment both in synchrony and diachrony allows to observe the political and memory-linked concerns at stake, focusing on this medium. The purpose of this study is to highlight the consequences of the political and symbolic confrontations around the corpus of urban namings within Southern France during World War II, especially under the regime of Vichy.The area of the study in question corresponds to the southern part of what was named the Realm of the Marshall, that is to say the 30 departments of the free zone. The chronological markers stretch from the 1938 Munich Conference to the 1948 Coup of Prague, going through the Liberation. Collecting and analysing the decisions of urban naming modifications aims at estimating the diffusion of the National Revolution ideology through the daily and permanent tool that is the blue street plate. The removals of republican monuments are also mentioned as well as the memory-linked confrontations that emerged at the Liberation.