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Women in Vichy and Nazi Occupied France often found themselves facing situations in which their societal gender roles greatly influenced not only the choices that they made but also how their actions were perceived within society. Many women acted as either collaborators, resisters, or both to maintain their livelihood. How they were perceived was based in large part by how they fit into their prescribed social roles, in particular that of the self-sacrificing mother. Women who participated on both sides were often following their social expectations and obligations. Following the decline of Vichy and the end of the Occupation, however, there was an immense shift in perception that determined what a good mother was. During the Vichy regime, collaboration with both the regime was highly encouraged and expected. Thus, women collaborating during the Vichy regime were praised, only to be condemned after the occupation. Women who resisted Vichy and the Nazis were scorned, only to be glorified after. It is clear that women in both of these categories had similar motivations, but a drastic shift in public opinion made these women appear in a different light. There were only slight differences that separated many of the women who were judged based on how they adhered to their female roles within society, whether that society be under Vichy or after its decline, often without considering the difficult situations that women lived in.

La thèse est consacrée à l’histoire de l’expression « devoir de mémoire », des années 1970 à nos jours. Ce néologisme s’élabore dans le contexte de nouveaux usages du mot « mémoire », sans lien avec la mémoire de la Shoah, avant de devenir une formulaire du discours social au début des années 1990, à l’occasion du débat sur la reconnaissance officielle du rôle de Vichy dans la persécution et l’extermination des Juifs. Le rôle des médias, des acteurs politiques, ainsi que des militants de la mémoire est analysé pour comprendre la place et les sens de ce référent social qui formalisé un nouveau rapport au passé des contemporains. Pour mener ce travail, les sources audiovisuelles, celles de la presse écrite, du secrétariat d’État aux Anciens combattants, et des associations ont été exploitées, complétées par de nombreux entretiens. / The thesis is devoted to the history of the French expression « devoir de mémoire » (« duty of remembrance ») of the 1970’s to today. This neologism is elaborated in the context of new uses of the word “memory”, unrelated memory of the Holocaust, before becoming a formula of social discourse in the early 1990s, during the debate on the official recognition Vichy’s role in the persecution and extermination of Jews. The role of the media, politicians, and activists memory is analysed to understand the place and meaning of the term who formalized a new relationship with the past. To conduct these work audiovisual sources, those in the press, the Secretary of State for Veterans, and associations have been exploited, supplemented by many interviews.

Si Alphonse Juin demeure une des figures majeures de l’histoire de l’armée française du XXe siècle, il semble que son souvenir se soit estompé aujourd’hui dans la mémoire collective des Français. Dernier maréchal de France élevé à cette dignité de son vivant en mai 1952, le vainqueur du Garigliano est resté célèbre pour ses victoires en Tunisie en 1943, puis en Italie l’année suivante, à la tête du Corps expéditionnaire français (C. E. F.). Ces faits d’armes masquent pourtant une carrière entièrement orientée sur la défense de l’empire colonial en Afrique du Nord. Que ce soit au Maroc avec Lyautey et Lucien Saint, sous Vichy, ou comme Résident général en Tunis en 1943, et à Rabat entre 1947 et 1951. Juin constitue l’archétype de l’officier de l’Armée d’Afrique. Son comportement vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique sous la Quatrième République, ou son rapport à l’obéissance « d’homme à homme » avec Lyautey, Pétain ou de Gaulle, ont varié en fonction de ses fondamentaux impériaux. Malgré l’échec de sa tentative de déposition du sultan Mohamed V au Maroc en 1951, Juin connait au début des années 1950 l’apogée de son influence politico-militaire, avant d’être progressivement marginalisé par le processus de décolonisation, et par la politique algérienne du général de Gaulle qui mettra fin à sa carrière. Vainqueur sur les champs de bataille, le maréchal Juin apparait comme un vaincu de la mémoire, du fait de son passé colonial et vichyssois. / Although Alphonse Juin remains one of the major characters in the History of the French Army of the 20th century, his memory seems weak and almost gone today. He is the last military alive to be named Marshal in May 1952. He is also the victor of the Garigliano battle, many others in Tunisia in 1943 and Italy the next year at the head of the French Expeditionary Corps (F. E. C.). Behind his accomplishments lies a carrier devoted entirely to the defense of the French Empire colonies in North Africa. Either under Lyautey in Morocco and Lucien Saint, during Vichy France or as governor in Tunie in 1943 and Rabat between 1947 and 1951, Juin is the archetype of African Army’s officer. Indeed, his behaviour toward the political power in place, and his relationship with the direct subordination with Lyautey, Pétain or de Gaulle, has varied depending on the imperial fundamentals. Although his failure to deposit the sultan Mohamed V in Morocco in 1951, Juin enjoys the climax of its political and military influence in the early 1950 before being progressively marginalized due to both the decolonization process and de Gaulle’s new politic line in Algeria. Great victor in the battlefield, the Marshal Juin appears as the loser in the battle for Memory, due to his Vichy and colonialist past.

Ce travail permet de découvrir, à travers le prisme des pratiques corporelles, les conditions de vie des Français, prisonniers de guerre, déportés, requis pour le travail, déplacés de force dans le IIIe Reich entre 1940 et 1945. Croisant des archives institutionnelles, françaises et allemandes avec des témoignages, l’étude révèle que la forme et la fonction des activités physiques vécues sur le sol allemand dépendent à la fois des mécanismes sociaux et d’enjeux politiques puissants. Ainsi, les traitements réservés aux Français jugés capables d’intégrer la Grande Europe répondent à une sorte d’embrigadement savamment orchestré répondant au nom de Betreuung. Dans ce cadre, les prisonniers de guerre comme les travailleurs requis disposent d’une certaine latitude pour organiser leur vie quotidienne. Les compétitions, les spectacles ou les séances d’éducation physique qu’ils mettent sur pied s’inspirent de leurs pratiques antérieures tout en s’adaptant au contexte dans lequel ils vivent. Ils sont aidés dans leurs projets par les services délocalisés de Vichy, Mission Scapini pour les prisonniers, Délégation Bruneton pour les requis, qui entendent, par ce biais préserver un certain contrôle sur eux en vue de les faire adhérer à la Révolution nationale. Il en est tout autre pour ceux que les nazis jugent comme des « ennemis ». Ces derniers sont confrontés à des pratiques physiques participant à leur élimination à plus ou moins longue échéance. Si ces dernières préservent l’apparence de jeux ou d’entraînement sportif, elles constituent au mieux des punitions, au pire des tortures, qui couplées aux coups et aux privations multiples aboutissent à la destruction méthodique des corps. / This research aims at finding out through body activities what the living conditions of the French people, the prisoners of war, the deported people and those sent to work by force, were in the 3rd Reich between 1940 and 1945. Based on both French and German institutional archives and testimonies, the study argues that the form and meaning of physical activities experienced of the German soil depended simultaneously on both social and powerful political processes. Thus, what was reserved for the French people who were considered capable of integrating the Big Europe reflected a kind of skillfully orchestrated indoctrination under the name of Betreuung. In this case the prisoners of war and the required ones had a certain flexibility to organize their everyday life. The competitions, the performances and the lessons of physical education which they set up were inspired by their previous experiences and were adapted thanks to the particular context they lived in. In addition they were helped in their projects by some decentralized departments of the Vichy Government, such as the Mission Scapini for the prisoners, the Bruneton delegation for the required people, all leading to keep a certain control over the people and to urge them to join the “National Revolution”. It was however totally different for those considered as “enemies” by the Nazis. These people had to face physical practices which aimed at killing them at more or less long term. The practices kept the appearance of games and sports training, but they actually were punishments, or even tortures, which, in addition to privations and numerous hardships ended in the methodical destruction of the bodies.

Jean Thibaud est né à Lyon en 1901. Ingénieur électricien, il se dirige vers la recherche fondamentale en soutenant une thèse sous la direction de Maurice de Broglie en 1924, alors directeur du laboratoire de physique des rayons X. Thibaud travaille en particulier, sur les tout premiers dispositifs accélérateurs de particules, linéaires et circulaires, entre 1931 et 1933. Il précise en 1933, grâce à une technique expérimentale qu'il met au point (la méthode de la trochoïde), les caractéristiques physiques du positron ; la première antiparticule, découverte par C.D Anderson en 1932. De conserve avec Frédéric Joliot, il parvient en usant de la technique de la trochoïde, à observer pour la première fois, l'annihilation du positron. En 1935-1936, Jean Thibaud créer l'Institut de Physique atomique de Lyon, rue Raulin tout en occupant une chaire de physique expérimentale à la Faculté des Sciences de Lyon. Ce laboratoire constitue le premier laboratoire de province dédié à l'étude de l'atome. Treize chercheurs, techniciens et assistants composent ce laboratoire en 1937. Le 1944. Thibaud profitera de la dotation de 20 millions de francs qui lui sera faite après la guerre, pour acquérir un générateur de Cockcroft-Walton. Cet instrument sera installé, avec le concours de l'armée, au fort de la Vitriolerie à Lyon. En contrepartie, Thibaud acceptera de mettre son expertise et celle de ses collaborateurs au profit de la formation en physique atomique d'officiers et de techniciens de l'armée de terre, de 1951 à 1960. Parallèlement Thibaud travaille sur les plans de son nouveau laboratoire, projeté sur le domaine de la Doua, à Villeurbanne. Il ne verra pas sortir de terre ce nouveau laboratoire — inauguré en 1963 — qui constitue l'actuel Institut de Physique Nucléaire de Lyon. Jean Thibaud apparaît pourtant comme une figure méconnue du XXe siècle scientifique. Mise à part le Prix Thibaud, décerné par l'Académie des Sciences, Belles- Lettres et Arts de Lyon tous les deux ans, aucune instance ou artefact universitaire n'en garde la mémoire. Aucune rue ou amphithéâtre n'en porte le nom, pas même à Lyon, sa ville natale. Pour comprendre la marginalisation de Jean Thibaud dans la mémoire savante et dans la mémoire locale, nous articulons les différents registres d'activités de Jean Thibaud autour de trois bifurcations qui nous semblent avoir marqué son existence. Sa non participation au congrès Solvay 1933 marque la première bifurcation. Les directions d'institutions scientifiques durant le régime de Vichy et l'Occupation constituent la seconde bifurcation. La dernière est associée à une affaire de plagiat devant l'Académie des sciences, en janvier 1951 / Jean Thibaud was born in Lyon in 1901. An electrical engineer, he goes to basic research in a thesis under the direction of Maurice de Broglie in 1924, then he becomes the director of the X-ray physics laboratory. Thibaud worked in particular on the first particle accelerator devices, linear and circular, between 1931 and 1933. He states in 1933, thanks to an experimental technique he developed (the method of the trochoid), the physical characteristics of the positron ; the first antiparticle, discovered by C.D Anderson in 1932. Independently with Frédéric Joliot, he succeeds in making use of the technique of trochoïde to observe for the first time, the annihilation of the positron. In 1935-1936, Jean Thibaud created the Atomic Physics Institute in Lyon, rue Raulin, while occupying a chair of experimental physics at the Faculty of Sciences of Lyon. This laboratory is the first province laboratory dedicated to the study of the atom. Thirteen researchers, technicians and assistants built up this laboratory in 1937. The laboratory will be partially destroyed during the Allied bombing of 26 May 1944. Thibaud benefited from the allocation of 20 million francs to be made after the war, to acquire Cockcroft-Walton generator. This instrument will be installed, with the assistance of the army, at the top of the Vitriolerie in Lyon. In return, Thibaud agreed to put his expertise and that of his employees to the benefit of the training in atomic physics of officers and technicians in the Army from 1951 to 1960. Meanwhile Thibaud was working on the plans of his new laboratory planned to be built on the field of La Doua, in Villeurbanne. He will not see the new laboratory spring up - it was inaugurated in 1963- which is the current Institute of Nuclear Physics of Lyon. Jean Thibaud yet appears as a little-known figure of the twentieth century science. Apart from the Thibaud Prize, awarded by the Academy of Sciences, Arts and Belles-Lettres de Lyon every two years, no proceeding or university artifact keeps his memory. No street or amphitheater bears his name, not even in Lyon, his hometown. To understand the marginalization of Jean Thibaud in scholarly memory and in local memory, we can articulate the different registers of Jean Thibaud’s activities around three bifurcations that his existence seems to have taken. His non-participation in the 1933 Solvay conference marks the first bifurcation. The directions of scientific institutions during the Vichy period and the Occupation constitute the second bifurcation. The latter is associated with a plagiarism case at the Academy of Sciences in January 1951

Cette thèse porte sur l’histoire de l’École primaire ‒ ou premier degré ‒ au cours de la décennie centrale du XXe siècle. Y sont analysés les processus décisionnels de la politique scolaire au niveau de l’administration ministérielle et académique, ainsi que l’exercice quotidien des prescriptions scolaires sur le terrain des écoles, grâce au recours à de nombreux éclairages monographiques. La première partie de l’étude s’attache à démêler les divers aspects de la politique scolaire de l’État français à l’aide d’analyses quantitatives originales, et en prenant appui principalement sur le point de vue des acteurs en charge de son application : hauts fonctionnaires du ministère, inspecteurs d’académie, jusqu’aux enseignants eux-mêmes. Une seconde partie propose un portrait du fonctionnement logistique quotidien des écoles primaires du pays dans le contexte de la guerre et de l’Occupation. Enfin, la troisième partie décrit le rétablissement de l’École républicaine sur le territoire et les multiples défis idéologiques, pédagogiques et matériels, auxquels est confrontée l’institution scolaire. S’appuyant sur un grand nombre d’archives publiques et privées inédit, cette thèse aboutit ainsi à renouveler le regard historiographique posée sur l’histoire scolaire de cette période. En effet, la décennie guerrière des années 1940 a vu éclore des réformes et des réflexions qui en font un temps d’expériences et d’apprentissages intenses pour la génération des acteurs appelés à forger l’École du second XXe siècle. C’est en ce sens que l’on qualifiera ce moment historique de véritable « classe de guerre ». / This thesis focuses on the history of French elementary school in the middle decade of the twentieth century. School policy is analyzed through the decisions of ministerial and academic administrations along with its daily enforcement in classes, exemplified by numerous monographs of interest. First, the study attempts to untangle the various aspects of school policy under the French State, relying mainly on the words of its enforcers: ministerial officials, schools inspectors and, of course, teachers. It exposes quantitative investigations on the repressive impact of the regime and on the unprecedented financial public support for free education, in addition to a detailed analysis of the Vichy educational reforms. It then depicts the everyday life of primary schools in the context of war and Occupation. The third part chronicles the restoration of republican school over the national territory, and emphasizes the multiple ideological, educational and material challenges it had to face. Based on a large number of original archives, both private and public, this thesis leads to reevaluate the historiographical standpoint on the history of school of this time. Indeed, the 1940s gave birth to reforms and reflections that made this decade of war a time for experiments and intense learning for the generation of professionals who were to shape the school of the second part of the century. It is in this sense that this historical moment may be called a “war class”.

Si la vie musicale en France sous l’Occupation est aujourd’hui un champ de recherche bien balisé, le parcours de l’un des compositeurs majeurs de cette période, Marcel Delannoy (1898-1962), n’a encore fait l’objet d’aucune étude approfondie. Appuyé sur un large éventail de sources, dont le riche fonds Delannoy conservé à la BnF, ce travail vise à combler cette lacune en situant Delannoy dans le contexte plus large d’une génération particulièrement exposée sous Vichy. Dans ce contexte coercitif mais favorable à la création musicale, plusieurs compositeurs de cette génération (notamment Poulenc et Honegger) sont en effet impliqués dans diverses activités qui révèlent leurs engagements et leur degré d’accommodation face à la situation d’Occupation. Pour rendre compte des activités de Delannoy sous Vichy, il s’est avéré nécessaire d’élargir la périodisation. D’abord parce que son principal projet et succès de la période, Ginevra, un opéra créé en 1942 à l’Opéra-Comique, est le fruit d’une commande d’État de 1938. Et plus généralement parce que ses choix musicaux et extra-musicaux, comme ceux de ses contemporains, ne peuvent être compris dans le seul contexte des 4 années d’Occupation. / Although the French musical life during the Occupation is now a familiar field of research, no detailed study has been made of Marcel Delannoy (1898-1962), one of the most important composers of the period. Supported by a wide range of sources, including the large collection of Delannoy’s papers conserved at the BnF, the present work aims to fill this gap by situating Delannoy in the larger context of a generation of musicians that were especially visible during the Vichy years. In this context, both coercive and favorable to musical creation, several composers (notably Poulenc and Honegger) were indeed involved in a number of activities that reveal their commitments and the degree of adaptation in the face of the Occupation. To account for Delannoy’s activities under Vichy, it was necessary to extend the period under study: his principal project and success of the period, Ginevra (an opera premiered in 1942 at the Opéra-Comique), was the result of a 1938 State commission; more generally, his musical and extra-musical choices, much like those of his contemporaries, cannot be understood if they are restricted to the four years of the Occupation.

The subject of the diploma thesis is an analysis of how the official Swiss institutions worked with the reference of World War II, thus contributing to the formation of collective memory of the Second World War in Switzerland. World War II and, above all, Switzerland's role in it, was covered in myths by official institutions in order to maintain a positive attitude towards the actions of Switzerland during the Second World War until the second half of the 1990s. For this purpose, three major myths were made during the war and post-war years in Switzerland around which the official remembrance of World War II was build - the myth of Réduit Alpin, the myth of neutrality and the myth of Swiss solidarity. Main institutions that influenced collective memory in Switzerland during World War II and subsequently in the post-war years were the army headed by General Henri Guisan and the Swiss government. This diploma thesis analyzes the evolution of the perception of the legacy of World War II in Switzerland in two periods. The first one is the period of the Second World War and immediately afterwards. The second one is the period from the second half of the 1990s, when the International Commission of Experts was established which was an important milestone in the debate on the Swiss role in the Second...

Petra Šrédlová Diploma thesis Abstract Abstract The trial of Klaus Barbie was an important turning point in the French memory of the Vichy regime. For a purpose of Barbie's conviction, the interpretation of the crime against humanity was changed in the French legal system. Barbie's victims were, for the first time, given the opportunity to publicly testify. Furthermore, the trial provided an opportunity for development of the Jewish memory and the memory of the resistance. The trial of Klaus Barbie provided the basic legal and procedural framework later on used by the courts in trials with Vichy's criminals. Moreover, the personality of Klaus Barbie remained sealed in a negative sense in French memory, when he was often remembered on the occasion of various events. The aim of this diploma thesis is to prove that, on the basis of qualitative content analysis of articles by Le Monde containing the term "Klaus Barbie" in the period from July 3, 1988 to July 4, 2017, further development of the phase of Obsession of the Vichy syndrome can be traced, along with its thematic categories and intensity. This diploma thesis also argues that the memory development did not proceed consistently, but kept on returning in the form of various events in order to recall not only Klaus Barbie and his trial, but also other...