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This study delves into the conflict landscape in the form of a case study of the Central African Republic, with a specific focus on the involvement of the private military company Wagner Group, framed within Mary Kaldor's theory of New Wars. The theory emphasises that since the 1990s wars have been carried out in the name of identity politics, are between the state and non-state actors, that violence is directed at civilians and that the global economy is a driving condition. These characteristics are generally true for the conflict in CAR. The Wagner Group's role remains largely unexplored within academic circles, necessitating a closer examination of its impact on conflict dynamics to better understand the broader implications for regional stability and global power dynamics. Since CAR became independent in 1960, CAR has been imprinted by armed conflict and widespread violence against civilians. In 2018 the government ceded parts of its monopoly on violence to the Wagner group through an agreement where the group protects the state in exchange for access to natural resources. The Wagner group's presence also contributes to increased regional conflict dynamics and can lead to increased violence and criminal activity.

Why do some international actors who intervene militarily in civil wars continue their military engagement after the war has ended, while other actors end their intervention and withdraw all military forces at the conclusion of the war? What explains the continuation of outside military intervention from wartime to peacetime, and why might this dimension of military intervention vary across conflicts? In analyzing this puzzle, this study introduces a new theoretical concept: persistent intervention. Defined as the continuation of an external state’s military intervention in a civil war after the war ends, the concept of persistent intervention sheds light on the connections between wartime and peacetime, or the post-conflict period. Drawing on a new dataset on post-war interventions across the globe in countries experiencing civil wars that ended between 1957-2020, as well as detailed comparative case studies of four interventions from the Middle East and Africa, this dissertation finds the availability and access to political and economic gains of the intervention as the main driver of the decision to keep troops in peacetime. The domestic elites' desire to protect these predatory gains from the intervention leaves some interveners entangled in the civil war country, where leaving too soon might devalue and destabilize the investments. The primary factor undermining persistent interventions is found to be intervener domestic instability that disrupts this extractive mechanism. Findings also have implications for external involvement in peace agreements and peacekeeping operations. / Political Science

This dissertation examines the role of third parties in civil war mediation and peacekeeping efforts. The dissertation makes two primary contributions to the literature. First, it builds upon existing literature by applying state-level arguments of third party involvement in mediation and peacekeeping efforts to the United Nations Security Council and regional IGOs. Second, it investigates the role of communication and coordination between third parties in their conflict management efforts.

This study seeks to illuminate the Swedish propaganda effort during the first years of Swedish participation in the Napoleonic wars, known as the Pomeranian War (1805-1807) in Swedish historiography. This is accomplished by analysing the reporting off the Swedish war effort in the official newspapers Stockholm Post-tidningar and Inrikes tidningar with a model of wartime propaganda previously put forward by Anna Maria Forssberg. The sources used, classified as “official Swedish war reporting”, are the published materials written either explicitly by official Swedish sources or other texts from an entirely Swedish perspective. A classification motivated by the heavy press regulations and state censorship of the late Gustavian era. The study covers the entirety of the period of Franco-Swedish warfare in northern Germany up to and including the evacuation of Swedish forces from Rügen in September 1807 but ends before the formal conclusion of peace in 1810. During this period several other important themes besides the fighting are covered in the official propaganda. These include a conflict with Prussia in 1806 and the Swedish alliances with Russia, Britain and, later, Prussia. The role of the image of the king in the authoritarian Gustavian political system and the way that the propaganda tries to paint a positive picture of Swedish military endeavours, mostly setbacks, with great emphasis on the preservation of military honour is also discussed.

Between 1790 and 1830 the Whig party in Britain championed the rights of continental European peoples to determine their governments free of outside interference. The universal right to national self-determination became an important part of their own domestic, partisan effort to oppose the ministries of William Pitt the younger and his acolytes—ministries which they believed were undermining the independency of the House of Commons by allying Britain with the despotic governments of the continent in their war against the French Revolution. By casting the wars against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France as an attack against the right to national self-determination, the Whigs were better able to maintain their party’s cohesion and unity. But as a result of their decision to interpret the revolutionary conflicts of this era as a struggle for national liberty, the Whigs faced unique challenges when continental events failed to fit the predictions of the national model. Instead of abandoning their interpretational archetype, the Whigs broadened their definition of who could rightfully claim to participate in the struggle for national liberty. The study that follows demonstrates how these broadened definitions were instrumental in enabling the Whig party to pass Parliamentary Reform in 1832.

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(文学) / 甲第25047号 / 文博第952号 / 新制||文||744(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院文学研究科現代文化学専攻 / (主査)教授 小野沢 透, 教授 塩出 浩之, 教授 直野 章子, 教授 河 棕文 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Agricultural Science / Kyoto University / DGAM

As French Protestantism emerged in the 1550s, the young community needed charismatic leaders. The main impetus came from native pastors with strong links to Geneva. Antoine de Chandieu was a key figure amongst these men. His writings promoted the values of French Protestantism over three decades and provide insight into how this vulnerable community faced the challenges of the civil war years. This study uses Chandieu’s prose and verse writings to examine how French Protestants defined themselves from the 1550s to the 1590s. Chapter one looks at Chandieu’s life and career, placing his works in the context of the Wars of Religion. Chapter two examines the early structural development of the French Church and the attempt to establish a system independent of that in Geneva. Chapter three concentrates on the Conspiracy of Amboise, and the tension that developed between the political and religious concerns of the movement. Chapters four and five explore the ways in which Chandieu engaged with perceived threats from internal and external sources. Chapter six focuses on the shift towards meditative writing provoked by the Protestants’ losses during the later wars, whilst chapter seven highlights the continuing preoccupation with theological issues throughout Chandieu’s later years of exile. Chandieu’s career provides a personal experience of the French religious wars which underlines how French Protestantism tried to retain its independence. This became increasingly difficult as the wars progressed, and the movement consistently returned to the refuge of Genevan influence. Although his faith was never shaken, the sustained losses suffered by the Protestants caused Chandieu to abandon his hopes of a fully independent French Church, and to reflect deeply on the emotional torment that resulted from years of interconfessional strife. In his works we see the French church’s struggle to find a workable group identity in the face of civil war.

John Williams är att betrakta som en av giganterna inom den amerikanska filmmusikkompositionen. Förutom filmmusik så har han komponerat ett flertal beställda solokonserter för betydande instrumentalister och orkestrar, däribland The Five Sacred Trees för fagott och symfoniorkester som är skriven för New York Philharmonics 150-års jubileum och denna orkesters solofagottist Judith LeClair. I detta examensarbete analyseras de första två satserna från ett motiviskt, strukturellt och i viss mån harmoniskt perspektiv, samt genomgås hur det kan påverka instuderingsprocessen och författarens interpretatoriska val. Referensmaterialet som används är främst en pianoreduktion av stycket, samt en doktorsavhandling gällande styckets pedagogiska användningsområden av John Michael Lopinto från 2004. Slutsatser efter analysen inkluderar bland annat att de två satserna i stora drag kontrasterar varandra, att konserten innehåller så pass många olika klangkaraktärer att det krävs extra arbete från solistens sida för att kunna framföra denna med endast piano, samt att John Williams kontinuerligt utvecklar motiv från tidigare verk och inkorporerar dem i konserten och har fortsatt att arbeta på detta vis även efter tillkomsten av denna konsert. Min förhoppning är att det här arbetet ökar min egen och omvärldens insikter om denna konsert, och ökar sannolikheten för att detta verk framförs i större utsträckning i framtiden. / <p>John Williams fagottkonsert, sats 1-2.</p><p>Medverkande: Gabriella Varga Karlsson, fagott</p><p>Georg Öquist, piano</p><p></p><p></p><p></p>

The name ‘Simonides’ has long been associated with the Persian Wars. More specifically, Simonides is famous in large part because of his commemoration of the Persian War dead in the form of epigrams. The purpose of this paper is to investigate a set of four of the most famous and most distinctively ‘Simonidean’ poems to the end of delineating their stylistic deviations from conventional epitaphic speech. This paper argues that the specific ways in which Simonides departs from the conventions of epigrammatic language serve to convey a distinctively democratic ethos. This ethos is clear in that Simonides’ epigrams privilege the mass efforts of the collective, and do not praise any particular individuals over another. Moreover, that these poems do not include the sort of identifying details that we would normally expect to find in epigrams anticipates a readership that is uniformly knowledgeable about the events of the Persian Wars. This represents another facet of the egalitarian ethos evident in this group of epigrams, as Simonides treats his readers as equally aware of the events of the Persian Wars. Thus, Simonides assumes a unified, panhellenic identity that characterizes both the subjects of his poems as well as his readers: they are all part of the same entity that defeated the Persians. Simultaneously, however, Simonides, or at the very least, the Simonidean name, achieves his own kleos as an individual poet through his distinctive commemorations of the Persian War dead. With these poems comes the emergence of a Simonidean poetic persona that renders the poet’s voice unique because of the way in which Simonides diverges from epigrammatic convention. The allotment of immortal kleos both to the anonymous, undifferentiated masses of Persian War dead and to the name ‘Simonides’ reflects two distinctive ideologies, the latter archaic and the former classical. My reading of these epigrams thus demonstrates how the commemoration of the Persian Wars is poised between two different eras and two different ideologies. / text