Even if the main criminals of an organization are incarcerated, they will be replaced by others who would continue illegal activities, unless their financial assets are removed. Thus, civil forfeiture intends to dismantle the economic infrastructure of drug trafficking networks. Civil forfeiture considers the property as guilty, rather than the owner, and it may exist even if there is not a criminal action. Therefore, it is claimed that police agencies have chosen easy targets, such as wealthy drug users rather than major drug traffickers. Consequently, it has been particularly challenged on the basis of the Excessive Fines, Double Jeopardy, and Due Process Clauses. The use of criminal forfeiture instead of civil forfeiture and the elimination of the equitable sharing provision are considered to be the primary solutions.

This thesis explores how government and society are invariably against the racial sharing of spaces. It examines how impoverished Black communities are created, sustained and perpetuated. The thesis is concerned with two main theories about race repression, race castes and racialization of space, both of which posit race as the main factor shaping the existing power relations. The work first draws upon the era of de jure segregation to highlight features of castes and racialized space. The first chapter looks at how housing discrimination caused Harlem to develop into a ghetto space. In the post-de jure era, the second chapter examines how the economics of racialized space access continued to inform a national framework defined by race-neutrality. It examines how, against the wake of Civil Rights era and community rioting, politicians discursively campaigned by demonizing and criminalizing Black rioters and Black culture. The War on Drugs, which emerged against the backdrop of Rights activism, called for crime control in Black communities. By targeting Blacks already isolated in “ghetto” spaces, politicians ensure that they over-compensate White communities with the public benefits and economic resources that are taken away from Blacks spaces. In media as well as in politics, our nation continuously fails to contextualize the costs of the War on Drugs on Black communities. The final chapter examines a film to show how popular depictions of Black ghettos and misconceptions about the War on Drugs, continue to feed our ideological and actual understandings of racialized space and privileged access.

This paper focuses on exploring how housing discrimination and the war on drugs affect the way communities are shaped and viewed. The area of focus is Harlem, but the paper explores these tensions in a general way as well. The paper draws on popular academic theories about racialization.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 108-122).

Since the beginning of the Mexican war on drugs in late 2006, violence has increased dramatically. By examining six presidential speeches from different years and with an analysis grounded in the work of Norman Fairclough and his Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this thesis analyses the security discourse strategies used by the two Mexican Presidents Felipe Calderón Hinojosa and Enrique Peña Nieto. By studying the parts where they talk about insecurity and organized crime, the study aims to reveal the strategies used and thus contribute not only to more understanding of the Mexican war on drugs but also to a broader discussion of how political discourse can be used in violent contexts. By applying CDA both as theory and method, this thesis concludes that the security discourse used by Calderón differs much from that of his successor, Peña Nieto. Calderón, for example, uses more metaphors and discursive tactics against organized crime. This study also concludes that there are both similarities and differences between the security strategies of the two.

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In recent years, criminal justice reform has become a hot-button issue in public policy realm. Public officials, academics, and activists alike have brought issues like police brutality, mandatory sentencing laws, and illicit drug policy to the forefront of the American political conversation. In an effort to contribute to this ongoing conversation, this thesis will explore three main topics within the criminal justice reform debate in the United States and provide potential solutions that policymakers can implement. The topics include illicit drug policy, mass-incarceration, and policing methods.

The Graphic Journalism genre is emerging with influences from war reportage with authors like Joe Sacco. I would like to address and report the “War on Drugs” from small first hand experiences, personal connections, and a genuine deep desire to see the healthcare and justice system change. The war on Drugs started in the 1970s during Richard Nixon’s term in the U.S. Presidency. Nixon’s influence to launch the “War on Drugs'' campaign began shortly after two congressmen released a report on the growing heroin epidemic that affected hundreds to thousands of servicemen who fought in the Vietnam War, who used heroin to treat PTSD. Nixon launched unfair disconnected political policy and passed laws that disproportionately targeted those against him and his values (minorities, specifically African Americans and anyone belonging to the counterculture “subwhite”). The War on Drugs movement started as a way to outcast and control minorities through unrealistic and systemically racist and oppressive laws. As the movement evolved so did its focus, the War on Drugs eventually metamorphosed into the “War on Class”, or a war against the economically disadvantaged. The War on Drugs has done way more harm than good and immediate action needs to be taken to begin to restart drug policy in America and within the World. The incomparable Billie Holiday, world renowned jazz singer and creator of “Strange Fruit” once said “I need help. Not jail time.” Shortly after her arrest for heroin possession in 1947. In my opinion, these famous words that Billie Holiday shared during the day of her arrest should be the leading quote in the much needed movement against the criminalization of drug abuse victims. Not only does the War on Drugs disproportionately disenfranchise black and brown communities, it makes researching the benefits of any type of narcotic that was not fully understood nearly impossible. My goal is to reverse the taboos that currently exist throughout our society with a graphic novel/ zine aimed at high school students. I believe that future generations can benefit from natural hallucinogens and other forms of holistic medicines in a safe way that doesn’t involve them having to access illegal avenues of receiving narcotics in order to remedy their pain. Afterall, there is a far greater risk in taking street narcotics due to one’s ability to use an incorrect dosage according to their size and bodily chemistry which can ultimately lead to an overdose and street narcotics may include an unknown amount of ingredients, some of which include fentanyl, a synthetic product of prohibition that is cheaper than heroin, but far more powerful. Fentanyl is used pharmacologically in anesthesia and neuroleptanalgesia and can be extremely harmful to the mind and body. I believe extremely deadly drugs like fentanyl would never exist if it wasn’t for the War on Drugs and its consistent agenda to demonize the usage of all narcotics without exploring the benefits of holistic medicines like hallucinogens and regulating the usage of these medicines through legalization, supervision, FDA regulation, and accessibility within the U.S, Healthcare System.

Mexico and the United States share not only an approximately 3000 km border but also important roles concerning drug traffic. With the U.S. as the major consumer and Mexico as its principal supplier, they make the perfect supply and demand equation. As a result, they share the threats related to drug traffic which affects the political, social, and economic level of both countries. During the last decade, the Mexican drug cartels have gained control of the drug entering the United States, so Mexico is a crucial issue in drug matters to their American neighbors. Currently, both nations accepted a shared responsibility in drug traffic cases and are working hand in hand to limit the capabilities of DTOs, but there remains the open question if such efforts are significantly useful. This thesis presents an analysis of the U.S. influence on the escalation of the fight against illicit drugs in Mexico during Bush and Obama administrations and the effectiveness of the counter-drug assistance program: the Merida Initiative. I argue that the Merida Initiative has been successful improving the U.S.-Mexican relations regarding bilateral counter-drug policies. However, the Mexican drug cartels have reached their momentum and seem to be leading the drug market. Besides, it is necessary to pursue a critical...

This Master's thesis is analyzing the media portrait of Mexican president Enrique Peña Nieto in two American newspapers - The New York Times and Los Angeles Times. In this thesis, you can find the quantitative and the qualitative analysis of the image of Mexican president in the newspapers since his election in 2012 until the end of 2017. Peña Nieto is a member of Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) which was in power from 1929 till 2000. Peña Nieto is the first president after 12 years break who brought this party back to power. American presidential elections also took place during his administration and Barack Obama was replaced by Donald Trump. The thesis focus on three topics which are for many years the most critical parts of the U.S.-Mexican relationship: illegal immigration, the war on drugs and NAFTA. The analysis shows that Peña Nieto's image is portrayed in two opposite ways depends on the topic. He is presented as a competent leader in the questions of illegal immigration and NAFTA renegotiation. On the other, his leadership failed in the matter of drug issues in Mexico. The analysis also shows that Peña Nieto's image in the NY Times and the LA Times changed after Donald Trump's victory in the presidential elections. The difference of his image between the NY Times and the LA Times...