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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The "War on Drugs" is the most expensive effort to control the personal behavior of American citizens. This study is an effort to analyze the battle over the meaning of cannabis. This "war" has waged on for the majority of the twentieth century and beyond. The federal government has utilized a variety of weapons in the "war" including most notably media. The government has succeeded in altering the definition of cannabis from hemp to marijuana.

[pt] A presente dissertação busca contribuir para desvelar a racionalidade colonialista da guerra às drogas que tem orientado a política de segurança pública do estado do Rio de Janeiro desde o fim do regime militar. Trata-se de uma pesquisa com natureza teórica que mobiliza diferentes fontes: bibliográficas, estatísticas, legislativas e, ocasionalmente, jornalísticas. Sua base epistemológica é o conceito de necropolítica, entendido como centro gravitacional de uma reflexão mais ampla desenvolvida por Achille Mbembe sobre o mundo contemporâneo. Considerando o recorte temporal que vai de 1988 a 2018, demonstra-se que a guerra às drogas fluminense faz parte de uma engrenagem racista que, respaldada pela branquitude e impulsionada pela violência estatal própria do neoliberalismo, perpetua sofisticadamente o processo secular de extermínio da população pobre e negra, moradora de favelas e periferias. Essa guerra move e legitima, nos territórios urbanos pauperizados, uma gestão governamental pelo terror, praticada mediante o rompimento de limites ao exercício do poder de matar, direta ou indiretamente, os corpos julgados descartáveis e hostis, inimigos do projeto civilizatório brasileiro, agora encampados na imagem racializada do traficante. A prisão e a vala são tomadas, aqui, como duas expressões fundamentais dessa dinâmica genocida. Este trabalho ainda ressalta a importância de um outro modo de lidar com a questão das drogas, distinto do proibicionismo de guerra, sem deixar de lado a necessidade de uma crítica radical da própria lógica bélico-colonial que o sustenta, o que exige colocar na ordem do dia o questionamento tanto da hegemonia neoliberal quanto da conservação histórica de privilégios brancos no Brasil. / [en] This dissertation is aimed at unveiling the colonialist rationality of the war on drugs that has informed public security policy in the state of Rio de Janeiro since the end of the military regime. It is a theoretical study based on bibliographic, statistical, legislative, and, occasionally, journalistic sources. Its epistemological foundation is the concept of necropolitics, which Achille Mbembe developed as the gravitational center of a more comprehensive reflection on the modern world. Considering the period between 1988 and 2018, we demonstrate that the war on drugs in Rio de Janeiro is part of a racist mechanism that, backed by whiteness and propelled by the state violence typical of neoliberalism, sophisticatedly perpetuates the secular process of extermination of the poor and black people who live in the favelas and outskirts. This war moves and legitimizes, in impoverished urban areas, a governmental management through terror by exceeding the limits of power in order to kill, directly or indirectly, bodies deemed disposable and hostile, enemies of the Brazilian civilizing project, now embodied in the racially constructed image of the drug dealer. Prison and mass grave are seen as two basic manifestations of this genocidal dynamic in this context. This study further points to the importance of another way to deal with the drug issue, one that is different from war prohibitionism, without leaving aside the necessity of a radical critique of the war-like rationale that sustains it, which demands questioning both the neoliberal hegemony and the historical preservation of white privilege in Brazil.

Les études rhétoriques ont documenté la pertinence de la rhétorique présidentielle et le pouvoir du président de définir les enjeux publics par le discours. Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques rhétoriques par lesquelles l'ancien président mexicain Calderón a défini la lutte contre la drogue qui a caractérisé son administration. Je soutiens que Calderón a avancé une définition du problème de la drogue par des pratiques de définition telles que l'association, la dissociation et les symboles de condensation. Mon analyse 1) identifie les pratiques rhétoriques de définition qui ont caractérisé la lutte à la drogue de Calderón; 2) examine les implications de ces pratiques; et 3) aborde les limites auxquelles les politiciens font face en tentant de modifier des définitions préalablement avancées. En conclusion, j’explique comment les métaphores et les pratiques de définition de Calderón ont ouvert un espace rhétorique où les droits humains pouvaient être révoqués et la violence encouragée. / Rhetorical studies have shown the significance of presidential rhetoric and the president’s power to define public issues and policies through discourse. This research addresses how former Mexican president Felipe Calderón defined the fight against drugs that characterized his administration—and the later process of changing his definition. It argues that through the definitional practices of association, dissociation and condensation symbols, Calderón advanced a particular definition of the drug problem in Mexico. Relying on the analysis of presidential public speeches and TV spots, I 1) identify Calderon’s key rhetorical practices of definition; 2) discuss the implications of those practices and the political definitions they sustain; and 3) address the limits politicians face when attempting to change a definition they initially advanced. In conclusion, I discuss how the set of metaphors and definitional practices advanced by Calderón opened up a rhetorical space where human rights could be dismissed and violence encouraged.

Cette recherche part de la volonté de comprendre et d‘expliquer l‘interaction entre la politique intérieure et la politique internationale dans les processus de construction étatique des pays les moins développés et avec une histoire de forte dépendance extérieure. Son objectif central consiste donc à étudier les transformations du phénomène de l‘intervention internationale dans le contexte de la mondialisation à partir de l‘analyse du cas colombien. C‘est pourquoi, en premier lieu, y sont examinés les théories qui, selon les relations internationales, ont rendu compte de l‘intervention comme partie de la dynamique de la politique internationale contemporaine. Un type spécifique d‘intervention, la construction étatique, est analysé dans le cadre de la politique extérieure nord-américaine au XXe siècle. En second lieu, l‘étude de cas présentée analyse l‘intervention des États-Unis en Colombie lors de trois moments distincts : l‘Alliance pour le progrès (1961-1972), la lutte contre les drogues (1975-1994) et le Plan Colombie (2000-2010). A travers ceux-ci est exposé de quelle manière l‘intervention de la superpuissance dans le pays sud-américain a changé tant dans sa conception que dans sa mise en place au long d‘un demi-siècle. L‘examen détaillé de ces trois périodes permet d‘identifier les point de comparaison afin d‘établir s‘il s‘agit ou non d‘une intervention orientée vers la construction étatique. / This research project emerges from an interest in understanding and explaining the interaction between domestic and international politics in the processes of state-building in less developed countries that also have histories of strong3foreign dependence. The main objective of this work is to study the transformation of the phenomena of foreign intervention in the context of globalization through the analysis of the Colombian case. Thus, theories from the discipline of international relations that study intervention as part of the dynamics of contemporary international politics are examined first. Specifically, the intervention related to statebuilding, which is presented in the context of American foreign policy in the 20th century, is analyzed. Second, the intervention of the United States in Colombia in three different periods is explored: the Alliance for Progress (1961-1972), the War on Drugs (1975-1994) and Plan Colombia (2000-2010). Throughout these periods, this study establishes how the intervention of this superpower in this South American country was changing in both its conception and implementation for half of a century. Also, by a detailed examination, the study identifies points of comparison in order to assess whether or not the intervention was oriented towards statebuilding.

Submitted by ANNA CARVALHIDO (annaluizaa@gmail.com) on 2014-06-10T14:03:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao.(Defesa).(Revisao).Anna.Luiza.Carvalhido.pdf: 7595550 bytes, checksum: 96855772b3b30cdc4f0f66e4a7561325 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2014-06-10T18:25:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao.(Defesa).(Revisao).Anna.Luiza.Carvalhido.pdf: 7595550 bytes, checksum: 96855772b3b30cdc4f0f66e4a7561325 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-10T18:33:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao.(Defesa).(Revisao).Anna.Luiza.Carvalhido.pdf: 7595550 bytes, checksum: 96855772b3b30cdc4f0f66e4a7561325 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-12 / The objective of this research is to understand how public actors who participated, directly or indirectly, of the so-called 'Operation Legal Downtown' of 2012, qualified, in their speech, their vision around the use of crack and the region known as 'cracolândia' located in São Paulo city, notably the Military Police of São Paulo. The research problem is to understand the different discourses that actors have about the use of crack and cracolândia of São Paulo, assuming a theoretical framework that focuses on the study of stigma, deviation and knowledge as an instrument of power. The conclusion is that the stigma and the knowledge of a particular branch of the psychiatric field were very important and influential in building the image voiced by actors interviewed regarding the use of crack and 'cracolândia'. / O objetivo desta pesquisa é compreender como os atores públicos que participaram, direta ou indiretamente, da Operação Centro Legal de 2012, qualificaram, em seu discurso, o uso de crack e a região conhecida por 'cracolândia', em São Paulo, notadamente a Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo. O problema de pesquisa consiste na compreensão das diferentes falas que os atores tem em torno do uso de crack e da cracolândia de São Paulo, levando em consideração um quadro teórico que se foca no estudo do estigma, do desvio e do conhecimento enquanto instrumento de poder. A conclusão é que o estigma e o conhecimento de um determinado ramo do campo da psiquiatria foram elementos muito importantes e influentes na construção da imagem verbalizada pelos atores pesquisados com respeito ao uso do crack e à 'cracolândia'.

Over the last four decades organized crime groups, particularly, drug trafficking organizations or drug cartels, have managed to be under the spotlight of the security agendas of American countries such as Colombia and the United States. During the last two decades, however, the global securitization of the drug trafficking issue, has led them to become a major security threat not only for the Americas, but also for Europe and more recently for West African countries. These organizations pose a threat not only to the security of the state, but to the very essence of it, by corrupting and damaging everything they come in contact with at the political, social, economical and even cultural level. This graduate thesis presents an analysis on Latin American drug trafficking organizations or drugs cartels, as they are commonly known, focusing on the cases of Colombian and Mexican drug cartels. By comparing these two case studies, I suggest that today's Mexican drug trafficking organizations have gained their momentum and incommensurable strength by following the footsteps of the big three Colombian drug cartels that existed between the 1980s and 1990s. The first chapter will expose the definitions and concepts surrounding the research of organized crime. In the second and third chapters, both the...

This study examines the decision making process in Washington which led to the current non-existence of political and economic relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States. The study examines the U.S.-Iran relationship at three levels-of-analysis: the individual, state, and system levels. From a geopolitical perspective, Iran and the United States have often been natural allies that pursued similar policy goals. After 9/11, the U.S. entered Afghanistan and Iraq which further necessitated the reengagement of Tehran. Iranian regional clout would play a vital role in stabilization of Iraq and Afghanistan and without Iran's assistance; peace will not likely be realized in those states. Amongst the most compelling reasons for Washington to engage in meaningful dialogue with Tehran are: terrorism, the war on drugs, the Iranian sponsorship of militant groups, and Tehran's pursuit of a nuclear program. The study concludes that rapprochement should occur in two phases. The first being cooperation in areas of mutual concern such as the war on drugs. The second phase promoting confidence building methods, which would lead to a strategic partnership based on mutual interests.

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Summary in English, Tswana and Zulu / The researcher aimed to examine female perpetrator motives for becoming drug mules. The aim was accomplished through the use of a qualitative study, case research. Collection of data occurred via semi-structured interviews with seven participants. Purposive sampling was employed to aid with the selection of participants, and thematic analysis used as a means to analyse the data collected. The study found that motivations differed amongst all participants; nonetheless, the primary findings indicate that participants chose to become drug mules mainly due to financial strain. The other themes identified included monetary rewards and the influence of social networking relationships. The most common finding was the involvement of Nigerians in all participants becoming drug mules. Further research, and the need for intensive educational drives in communities and schools regarding drug mules, formed the recommendations derived from the study. / Boikaelelo jwa patlisiso eno ke go tlhatlhoba mabaka a a dirang gore basadi ba ikamaganye le go tsamaisa diokobatsi tse di seng kafa molaong. Boikaelelo jono bo fitlheletswe ka go dirisa patlisiso e e leng kaga boleng,, go dirisiwa boemo jo go ithutiwang ka jone ka ntlha ya gore ke jone bonang le dintlha tse di tlhokegang, tse di maleba mme di re naya dintlha tse di feletseng kaga se go batlisisiwang ka sone. Patlisiso eno e kaga basadi ba le supa bao re kgonneng go batlisisa ka bone. Patlisiso eno e sekaseka kafa batsayakarolo ba tshelang ka gone go ya kafa ba tlhalositseng ka gone,, go akareletsa le tsela eo ba neng ba tshela ka yone fa ba sale bannye le ka moo ba godileng ka gone, ga mmogo le botshelo jwa bone jwa jaanong le ka moo ba tshelang ka gone jaaka batsamaisi ba diokobatsi tse di seng kafa molaong. Patlisiso eno gape e sekaseka le kwa ba tswang teng, seemo sa bone sa loago le ikonomi, ba lelapa ga mmogo le ditsala tse ba ikopanyang le tsone, patlisiso eno e batlisisitse le gore a go na le dilo dipe tse dingwe tse di bakang gore ba tsamaise diokobatsi tse di seng kafa molaong. Go kgobokanya tshedimosetso go dirilwe ka go dira dipotsolotso le batsayakarolo ba supa. Setlhopha se se tlhophiwang se dirisiwa go tlhopha batsayakarolo. Ka ntlha ya gore setlhogo seno ke kaga batsamaisi ba diokobatsi, mokgwa ono o ne o le maleba go tlhatlhoba batsayakarolo ba ba oketsegileng. Mmatlisisi o akanyeditse gore a botsolotse batho ba ka nna lesome, kwa bofelong go ile ga nna le basadi ba ka nna sometlhano ba ba ileng ba kopiwa go tsenela patlisiso eno mme ba le supa ke bone fela ba dumetseng go tsenela patlisiso eno. Go ile ga dirisiwa tlhatlhobo ya thematic e le go tlhatlhoba tshedimosetso e e kgobokantsweng. Le fa gone patlisiso e ne e le ka ga boemo jo go ithutiwang ka jone, tlhatlhobo ya thematic e nnile yone e e thusang thata ka gonne e ne e le bonolo go ka dirisiwa ka ntlha ya gore ke yone eo e nang le dintlha tse dintsi tseo di batlegang. Mabaka a a dirang gore ba tlhophe tiro ya go tsamaisa diokobatsi a ne a sa tshwane go batsayakarolo botlhe le fa go ntse jalo go bonagetse gore lebaka la konokono leo le ba dirang ba tlhophe tiro eno ke ka ntlha ya mathata a madi/maemo a ikonomi a a sa tlhomamang. E re ka mathata a madi le maemo a ikonomi a a sa tlhomama di aname seo se ama motho yo o mo maemo ao fela thata, ke ka moo patlisiso e bontshitsheng gore maemo ao e ka nna a nako e telele kana a nako e e khutshwane. Mathata a tsa madi a nako e e telele a bakwa ke go tlhoka tiro nako e e telele le ditshono tse di tlhaelang tsa go bona tiro ka ntlha ya go sa nne le bokgoni jwa tiro, mme mathata a tsa madi a nako e khutshwane a bakwa ke ditiragalo tse di sa bonelwang pele tseo maemo a tsone a ka baakangwang ka bonako. Patlisiso e ne e bontsha lebaka le lengwe la go bo basadi bano ba dira tiro eno e ne e le ka gonne tiro eno e dira madi ka bonako ga e tshwane le tiro ya nako e e tletseng. Ba bontshitse gore ba tlhotlhelediwa le ke balosika, batho ba ba ratanang le bone ga mmogo le ditsala. Lebaka le lengwe le le kgatlhang le le fitlheletsweng go batsayakarolo botlhe ke go nna le seabe ga Ma-Nigeria mo go direng gore ba tsamaise diokobatsing tse di seng kafa molaong. Patlisiso eno e tlhomamisitse gore Ma-Nigeria ke one a a tshamekang karolo e kgolo mo tirong eno e re ka e le bone badiri ba diokobatsi tseno le gore ke bone ba ba nayang tiro eno ya go tsamaisa diokobatsi. Basadi botlhe ba ba dumetseng go tsenela patlisiso eno ba bontshitse bosupi jwa seno. Go tlile go dirwa patlisiso e e tseneletseng ka ga batsamaisi ba diokobatsi. Go na le tshedimosetso e ntsi malebana le batsamaisi ba diokobatsi, segolobogolo jang mo basading. Ntle le seo, go tshwanetswe ga rutiwa batho mo go tseneletseng kaga batsamaisi ba diokobatsi mo baaging ga mmogo le kwa dikolong, thuto eno e tla lebisediwa thata kwa malapeng, ba ba tlhokomelang malapa ka tsa madi ga mmogo le go ba thusa gore ba kgone go dira ditshwetso tse di siameng. / Injongo yalolu cwaningo ukuhlola izimbangela ezenza abantu besifazane bashushumbise izidakamizwa. Le njongo iye yafezwa ngokusebenzisa uhlobo lokucwaninga lokuhlola ngokucophelela, kanye nocwaningo olumba lujule ngoba lushaya ngqo kulokho okucwaningwayo, lunembile futhi lunikeza isithombe esicacile sendaba ecwaningwayo. Leli phepha locwaningo lusekelwe ocwaningweni olwenziwe kwabesifazane abayisikhombisa. Lolu cwaningo luye lwahlola izindaba zokuphila zababambiqhaza njengoba babezilandisela bona ngokwabo, kuhlanganise isikhathi beseyizingane nendlela abakhuliswe ngayo, impilo yabo bengabantu abadala nokuphila kwabo njengabashushumbisi bezidakamizwa. Ucwaningo lugxile nasekuphileni kwabo kwangaphambili, izimo zomnotho nezenhlalo, umndeni nabangane, ucwaningo luye lwahlola ukuthi zikhona yini ezinye izinto okungenzeka ziyingxenye yezimbangela ezenza bashushumbise izidakamizwa. Ukuqoqwa kwedatha kwenziwa ngezingxoxo ezihleliwe nababambiqhaza abayisikhombisa. Abacwaningi baye bazikhethela ngokwabo abantu abazobamba iqhaza. Ngenxa yokuthi isihloko sigxile kulabo abashushumbisa izidakamizwa, le ndlela ibifaneleka ukuze kuxoxwe nababambiqhaza abengeziwe. Umcwaningi obehlose ukuxoxa okungenani nababambiqhaza abayishumi, ekugcineni kuyiwe kwabayishumi nanhlanu okuthe kubo kwaba nabayisikhombisa abavume ukubamba iqhaza. Indlela ehlakaniphile yokuhlaziya isetshenzisiwe ukuhlaziya idatha eqoqiwe. Nakuba ucwaningo belugxile ocwaningweni olumba lujule, ukuhlaziya okuhlakaniphile kube usizo ngoba bekuvumelana nezimo okusizile ekunikezeni idatha enemininingwane eminingi. Izimbangela bezihlukile kubo bonke ababambiqhaza, noma kunjalo okuyinhloko okutholakele kulolu cwaningo kubonisile ukuthi ababambiqhaza bakhetha ukushushumbisa izidakamizwa ngenxa yokuthwala kanzima ngokwezomnotho nangokwezimali. Ngenxa yokuthi ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali nangokwezomnotho kuyinto ebanzi futhi kuhlobana nomuntu othwele kanzima, kuye kwatholakala ukuthi ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali/ngokwezomnotho kungachazwa ngokuthi ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezezimali okuthatha isikhathi eside nokuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali kwesikhashana. Ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali okuthatha isikhathi eside kwenziwa ukuhlala isikhathi eside ungasebenzi kanye nokuntuleka kwamathuba emisebenzi ngenxa yokungabi namakhono, kuyilapho ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezemali kwesikhashana kudalwa izimo ezingalindelekile ezenza kudingeke isisombululo esisheshayo. Okunye futhi okutholakele ukuthi ababambiqhaza babekhuthazwa izinzuzo ezingokwezimali ukuthi bangaceba ngokushesha ngokungafani nokusebenza isikhathi esigcwele. Abantu abaphila nabo nsuku zonke bayingxenye yembangela ebagqugquzele ukuba bashushumbise izidakamizwa, kulaba kungabalwa umndeni, ophathina babo nabangane abadlale indima ebalulekile ekuthonyeni abanye ababambiqhaza ukuba bashushumbise izidakamizwa. Okuthakazelisayo okutholakale kubo bonke ababambiqhaza ukuthi abantu abadabuka eNigeria babe nesandla ekubeni kwabo abashushumbisi bezidakamizwa. Ucwaningo luqinisekisile ukuthi abase-Nigeria badlale indima enkulu ekubeni abaxhasi noma abagcini bezidakamizwa ezithuthwa ababambiqhaza. Lokhu bekufakazelwa yibo bonke ababambiqhaza okuxoxwe nabo. Izincomo zalolu cwaningo zihlanganise ucwaningo olwengeziwe oluzokwenziwa kulabo abashushumbisa izidakamizwa. Alwanele ulwazi olukhona mayelana nabashushumbisi bezidakamizwa, ikakhulukazi kubantu besifazane. Ngaphandle kwalokho, kufanele kube nemikhankaso yokufundisa emiphakathini nasezikoleni ngokuphathelene nokushushumbisa izidakamizwa, le mikhankaso yokufundisa izogxila kakhulu emndenini, ezikhungweni ezinikeza kanye nasekwenzeni ukukhetha okufanele. / Criminology and Security Science / M.A. (Criminology)