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1	Systém ší'itského vzdělávání / Shiite Education System Sklenařík, Jakub January 2017 (has links) (in English): This master's thesis aims to explore the Shiite education system of Twelver Shia as well as placing it in the context of historical development of Shia with emphasis given on the issue of Shiite clergy's religious authority during the time of the Occultation of the Hidden Imam and consecutive reinforcement of their authority. The thesis is based on analysis of literature dealing with the topic.
2	Systém ší'itského vzdělávání / Shiite Education System Sklenařík, Jakub January 2018 (has links) This master's thesis aims to explore the Shiite education system of Twelver Shia as well as placing it in the context of historical development of Shia with emphasis given on the issue of Shiite clergy's religious authority during the time of the Occultation of the Hidden Imam and consecutive reinforcement of their authority. The thesis is based on analysis of literature dealing with the primary topic. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
3	Systém ší'itského vzdělávání / Shiite Education System Sklenařík, Jakub January 2017 (has links) (in English): This master's thesis aims to explore the Shiite education system of Twelver Shia as well as placing it in the context of historical development of Shia with emphasis given on the issue of Shiite clergy's religious authority during the time of the Occultation of the Hidden Imam and consecutive reinforcement of their authority. The thesis is based on analysis of literature dealing with the topic.
4	Nábožensko-politické aspekty kultury mučednictví v Islámské republice Írán / Religous-political Aspects of Culture of Martyrdom in the Islamic Republic of Iran Čech, Libor January 2012 (has links) The presented doctoral thesis examines character and significance of the culture of martyrdom (farhang-e shahadat) in contemporary Iranian society with a particular emphasis on delimitation religious-political dimension of this phenomenon and determination of causes and implications of relatively recent reinterpretation which has radically shifted this culture from the religious-spiritual sphere to the political-ideological and even revolutionary. On the one hand, the thesis deals with a complex view of mechanism and manners of the utilization of the Karbala paradigm as the instrument for formulation of politically (and otherwise) motivated aims by different spectres of power structures of the ruling establishment and diverse oppositional social movements and on the other hand it reflects its apolitical standpoint associated with a spiritual experience of believers, which proceeds from the popular religion. These aspects of the political and religious boundary of the culture of martyrdom are examined in detail and given in the context of current socio-political reality. The thesis also strives for presenting of arguments founded on the premise which defines the culture of martyrdom as an essential source for constructing of identities and strengthening of solidarity among Iranian Imami Shi'ites,...
5	Religious Resurgence and Religious Terrorism: a Study of the Actions of the Shiʹa Sectarian Movements in Lebanon Schbley, Ayla Hammond 12 1900 (has links) The purpose for undertaking this case study of the Shi'a in Lebanon is threefold. First, as a hypothesis-generating case study, its objective is to formulate relevant hypotheses about religious resurgence and religious terrorism. This study achieves this objective by formulating 14 general and nine special hypotheses, and testing and confirming the latter. Second, the purpose of this study is also to explore the trajectory of the Lebanese Shi'a's sectarian mobilization. This exploration permits the conceptualization of geocultural immobility and its effect upon a religious minority. It deduces that the Lebanese Shiga's geo-cultural immobility is directly related to their active religious resurgence. The third purpose is to study the changes in the objectives and tactics of a religious minority, that of the Muslim Shi'a in Lebanon. This research is able, via its primary and secondary data, to show a relationship between the Lebanese Shiga's religious resurgence and their use of religious terrorism. This study introduces the concept of geo-cultural immobility. A minority's geo-cultural immobility is identified as an imposed low geographic mobility within a nation with low cultural pluralism. It establishes the Lebanese Shi'a's geo-cultural immobility, to which it attributes their religious resurgence. This Lebanese Shi'a religious resurgence is proven in this research to produce zealots needed by religious terrorist organizations. This study also introduces and defines religious terrorism as violent acts performed by elements of a religious organization or sect, growing out of a commitment to communicate a divine message. It distinguishes between religious terrorism, secular terrorism, and fighters for religious freedom, which are based on the actors' motives, affinities, and consciousness of the maliciousness of their acts. The primary and secondary data and the quasi-experiment in this research support its special hypotheses. They indicate a statistical correlation between eight Lebanese Shi'a cultural and religious attributes: (1) age, (2) marital status, (3) extent of Shi'a Imam's militancy, (4) personal religious commitment and religious resurgence, (5) zealotry, (6) geo-cultural immobility, (7) imprisonment of family members, and (8) willingness to commit terrorism. religious resurgence religious terrorism Shi'a sectarian mobilization geo-cultural immobility Islam and politics -- Lebanon. Shīʻah -- Lebanon. Lebanon -- Politics and government.
6	Post-produced cultures : meta-images, aesthetics and the Hawzas Fusari, Massimiliano January 2013 (has links) The present work explores my practice as a photojournalist researching anthropological issues in the Muslim world. I use the Hawzas, the Muslim Shi’a seminaries, as my case study to invite a visually informed approach to the human sciences, and promote a practical usage of aesthetics. Because of the dramatic disproportion between socio-cultural relevance and under-representation, the Hawzas offer an extremely valuable opportunity to research issues of Orientalism and Orientalist visual archives. By questioning my own fieldwork practice alongside the visual signification of the Hawzas, I reconnect the pre-production to the post-production phase, and encompass within it a shared outlook issues of both the Real and the represented. I posit the photograph within wider multimedia and multi-audience practices as a stand-alone communicative device and part of a montage to assess its communicative features in relation to the verbal as a caption, and to the visual, in montage. Through this, I distinguish a phenomenological framework of analysis to urge a radical rethinking of personal and social agencies, and suggest the notion of communicative hubs for today’s globalised identities. I evince the extent to which the digital is reshaping forms of visual-led and multimedia production, knowledge distribution and media consumption to finally contextualise the photograph as ‘semantics without ontology.’ I conclude by advocating my ideas of the ‘Meta- Image’ and ‘Public Cultures 2.0’ as two integrated formats for visual-led communication, digital media practice, social engagement and public impact as specifically addressing Muslim cultures. 297.4
7	Rapprochement: The Necessary Engagement With The Islamic Republic Of Iran Tello, Roberto 01 January 2008 (has links) This study examines the decision making process in Washington which led to the current non-existence of political and economic relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States. The study examines the U.S.-Iran relationship at three levels-of-analysis: the individual, state, and system levels. From a geopolitical perspective, Iran and the United States have often been natural allies that pursued similar policy goals. After 9/11, the U.S. entered Afghanistan and Iraq which further necessitated the reengagement of Tehran. Iranian regional clout would play a vital role in stabilization of Iraq and Afghanistan and without Iran's assistance; peace will not likely be realized in those states. Amongst the most compelling reasons for Washington to engage in meaningful dialogue with Tehran are: terrorism, the war on drugs, the Iranian sponsorship of militant groups, and Tehran's pursuit of a nuclear program. The study concludes that rapprochement should occur in two phases. The first being cooperation in areas of mutual concern such as the war on drugs. The second phase promoting confidence building methods, which would lead to a strategic partnership based on mutual interests. Islamic Republic of Iran Rapprochement Khomeini Ahmadinejad Khatami Pasdaran Iran-Iraq War Tehran Taliban al-Qaeda Hezbollah Shi'ite Shi'a war on drugs regime change axis of evil 1979 revolution Mossadegh Pahlavi Iran Political Science
8	Realpolitik and Iran's post-Saddam strategy for Iraq / Realpolitik and Iran's strategy for post-Saddam Iraq Gutzwiller, Ryan R. 06 1900 (has links) Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Throughout history, threats emerging from Iran's frontiers have significantly influenced its security policies towards Iraq. Given Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom, Iran's security environment has changed a great deal. Does Iran have a strategy for post-Saddam Iraq and, if so, what is it? With few exceptions, Kenneth Waltz's Realpolitik and balance-of-power theories have guided Iran's security policy decisions. The combined effects of Iran's formative history, individual and institutional agendas, and national interests form the foundation for a Realpolitik strategy aimed at preventing a resurgent "anti-Teheran" government in Iraq. Pragmatism, consensus, influence, and competition appear to be the watchwords for an assertive strategy built upon military prudence and cross-border, multi-disciplined engagement. Iran is putting its internal political and economic house in order so as to achieve greater effectiveness in the pursuit of its national interests vis-a-vis Iraq and the United States. While an alliance is unlikely, there is alignment with the U.S.-led coalition's strategic interests in Iraq. / Major, United States Marine Corps Saddam Hussein Post-Saddam Khameini Khatami Rafsanjani Bush Kenneth Waltz Iran Iraq United States Realpolitik Balance-of-power Realism Idealism Liberalism National interests Security Policy Domestic Politics Faction Consensus Competition Agenda Institution Supreme Council for National Security SCNS Shi'a Shia Sunni Rapprochement Alignment Alliance Resurgent Strategy Operation Iraqi Freedom Operation Enduring Freedom Individual agenda Institutional agenda Anti-Teheran Pragmatism Influence Engagement
9	State Territorial Structuring in Iraq (1920-2020): The Impact of Group Identities, Ideas, Interests, and Foreign Influence Jaff, Rébar 12 April 2022 (has links) Since the creation of modern-day Iraq by the British Empire in 1920, the country’s state territorial structuring has been an ever-evolving source of political instability and conflict. Iraq’s ethnic and sectarian groups have been locked in a near constant struggle over questions of self-rule, shared rule, and secession. Consequently, the territorial model of federalism has never been far from political discussions, negotiations, and territorial disputes. Federalism was finally officially adopted in 2005, giving a new definition to Iraq’s territorial model. But while federalism seemed a natural means of managing Iraq’s long-standing ethno-sectarian divisions and was democratically ratified in a process that included most ethnic and sectarian groups, the model has failed to materialize, and territorial structure remains a major point of contention between the groups. The overarching aim of this dissertation is to shed light on two key questions. First, how have the dynamics between the major ethnic and sectarian groups of Iraq shaped the evolution of the country’s territorial structure from 1920 up to and beyond the federal constitution in 2005? Second, what can the trajectory of this evolution teach us about why federalism was adopted but has failed to materialize? I shall argue that Iraq’s territorial structuring over the past century has been systematically influenced by at least one of four “I”s: the groups’ ideas concerning territorial structuring, their conceptualizations of group identities, their definitions of group interests, and the influence of foreign actors. Focussing on the Shiite Arabs, the Sunni Arabs, and the Kurds, I will examine how these four factors have interacted to shape the territorial organization of Iraq over four key time periods: (i) the foundation of Iraq in 1920 to Saddam Hussein’s rise to the presidency in 1979, (ii) Saddam’s rule from 1979 to 2003, (iii) Saddam’s deposition in 2003 to the adoption of the federal constitution in 2005, and (iv) the post-constitutional period from 2005 to the present. I thus hope to explain how evolving inter-group dynamics over the past century have impacted the development of Iraq’s territorial structure, arguing that this sheds light on both the reference to federalism in the 2005 constitution and its subsequent failure to materialize. This dissertation thus demonstrates the powerful ways in which Iraq’s territorial structuring has been shaped by past trends in ethno-sectarian dynamics, putting us in a better position to understand the complexities of the country’s current territorial politics. Iraq Middle East Kurdistan Sunni Shiite Shi'a Shia Kurdish Identities Identity Politics Post-Colonialism Territorial Structuring State Territorialization Political Borders Iran Religious identities Ideas Interests Saddam Hussein Talabani Barzani Kurds Kirkuk Baghdad Erbil Basra Federalism Federation Self-Rule Autonomy Independence Ethnic conflict Sectarian conflict Chemical weapons Civil War Self-Government Constitutional negotiations Constitution Jaff Rebar
10	Strength in a weakened state : interpreting Hizb’allah's experiences as a social movement and governing coalition in Lebanon 1985-2013 Bernhoff, Arthur January 2015 (has links) This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements. 320.95692

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