Magistro darbe pristatomas Mažeikių miesto - rajono ikimokyklinio ir pradinio ugdymo įstaigų pedagogų bei ugdytinių tėvų bendradarbiavimo, tobulinant savivaldą tyrimas. Siekiant atsakyti į šio darbo tikslą - atskleisti pedagogų ir tėvų bendradarbiavimo tobulinimosi galimybes ikimokyklinių ir pradinių įstaigų savivaldoje – buvo išanalizuota ir susisteminta įvairių Lietuvos ir užsienio autorių mokslinė metodinė literatūra. Pasirinkta anketinė apklausa. Kiekybiniam tyrimui realizuoti taikyti 2 klausimynai: ikimokyklinio ir pradinio ugdymo įstaigų pedagogams ir ugdytinių tėvams. Apklausos būdu buvo tiriamos respondentų tarpusavio bendradarbiavimo formos, būdai, intensyvumas, nuostatos į bendradarbiavimą bei siekiama išsiaiškinti savivaldos tobulinimo poreikį ir galimybes. Tyrimo metu buvo suformuluoti šie probleminiai klausimai: kokios tėvų dalyvavimo ikimokyklinės ir pradinės ugdymo įstaigos bendruomenės valdymo procese galimybės, kokie efektyviausi tėvų įtraukimo į valdymą metodai. Kiekybinio tyrimo rezultatai padėjo išsiaiškinti ikimokyklinio ir pradinio ugdymo įstaigų bendradarbiavimo su ugdytinių tėvais tobulinat įstaigos savivaldą ypatumus, išryškinti dažniausiai iškylančias problemas, trukdančias bendradarbiavimui bei atskleisti ugdymo įstaigos savivaldos tobulinimo galimybes pasitelkiant ugdytinių tėvus. Atlikus literatūros analizę bei empirinį tyrimą galima teigti, kad ikimokyklinio ir pradinio ugdymo įstaigose yra sudaromos palankios sąlygos pedagogų ir tėvų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The master thesis presents the research of cooperation between pedagogues and parents, in improvement of the self-rule of pre-schools and primary schools in Mažeikiai district. In order to achieve the following aim of this paper- to disclose new dimensions in communication between parents and institution improving the self-rule of pre-schools and primary schools – the methodological literature of Lithuanian and foreign authors was analyzed and systemized as well as the carried out survey. The set of two questionnaires were applied to realize the quantitative survey: one for pedagogues of pre-schools and primary schools and the other one for parents of pupils. This questioning helped to investigate forms, ways and intensity of the respondents‘ inter-cooperation and common attitudes towards cooperation. It was also striving to clear up the demand and possibilities of the self–rule improvement. The following questions were used in the survey: what possibilities are for parents to participate in the process of community administration of pre-schools and primary schools, what ways are the most effective to involve parents into this process. The analysis of the data acquired from the survey helped: to find out the peculiarities in cooperation between pre-school and primary education institutions and parents improving the self-rule of the institution; to indicate the most common problems that interrupt the successful cooperation; to reveal the possibilities of self-rule... [to full text]

Abstract Council For Economic And Development Executive Yuan established a new land-use scheme in National Comprehensive Development Plan on the purpose of preventing the resource depletion and environmental disasters resulting from improper land-use activities. In the land-use scheme the land resources are identified as ¡¥developable areas¡¦ and ¡¥restricted areas¡¦ according to their importance and fragility. The restricted areas are imposed strict land-use regulations for the purposes of resources conservation and preservation. Thus, this research worked on the bases of the regulated¡¦s opinions. This research starts with discussing the regulation policy theory, the literature on the theory of property rights and a conceptual framework for determining whether the invaded land property rights should be compensated, and for suggesting how to compensate if the compensation is required. Finally, this research applied the framework to the Shoushen National Park to discuss whether the land property rights invaded by the regulations should be compensated and what kind of compensation would be appropriated.

Between 1% and 1.4% of people who engage in gambling behaviors lead to disordered or pathological gambling (Whiting & Dixon, 2015), while 44% of all money spent on legal gambling is done so with slot machines (Choliz, 2010). Various behavioral concepts have been theorized as a possible source of gambling addition; losses disguised as wins (LDWs), near-miss, gamblers’ fallacy, illusions of control, and verbally constructed self-rules related to these topics. The current study sought to extend the previous research on condition discrimination in altering slot machine preference while also analyzing the effects of vocalized self-rules during slot machine selection. Conclusions are drawn regarding results comparing cumulative selection to various vocal statement categories. Limitations are expressed and future research is suggested.

Republicanism is often divided into neo-Roman and neo-Athenian versions. However, both traditions considered separately can provide only a limited and narrow understanding of republicanism and thus deprive the republican political theory of valuable insights. On the contrary, this thesis argues that it would be preferable, both historically and theoretically, to conceive of the neo-Roman and the neo-Athenian strands as branches of a single integrated republican tradition. The thesis begins with a methodological discussion focused on how such an integrated account might be formulated and explains its preference for a conceptual approach that follows the morphology-oriented methodology developed by Michael Freeden. The thesis proceeds to track down the earliest formulations of republican concepts in ancient Greece, then turns to the Roman usage of these concepts and analyses the similarities and differences between the two earliest appearances. The next part concentrates on development of these concepts during the early modern era of classical republicanism in Italy, England and America. Afterwards, the most prominent neo-Athenian and neo-Roman approaches are analysed and interrelated. The last chapter summarises and synthesises the most important findings: (1) Two separate narratives of the...

Den här flerfallstudien har som syfte att undersöka hur den arktiska ursprungsbefolkningen ges regionalt inflytande i intressefrågor som direkt eller indirekt påverkar deras traditionella livsuppehälle i de arktiska områden som tillhör Ryssland, USA, Kanada, Danmark (Grönland) och Norge. Studien tillämpar metoden Ethnographic Content Analysis och utgår från teorierna liberalism och realism inom internationella relationer för att analysera ländernas arktiska policys och institutionella processer som berör deras arktiska ursprungsbefolkning. Vikten av inflytande i staternas institutionella processer är vital för ursprungsfolkens fortsatta överlevnad i Arktis, och eftersom Arktis beräknas bli en ny global region för utveckling så är det viktigt att identifiera farorna som dåliga strategier, policys, rättsliga ramverk och samarbeten skulle kunna skapa i relation till välbefinnandet hos regionens ursprungsbefolkning. Resultatet av studien visar på att Arktis som område är väldigt viktig ur ett geostrategiskt och ekonomiskt perspektiv för länderna, och resulterar i att ursprungsbefolkningens inflytande blir begränsat eller försvårat av staten i vissa sakfrågor som berör båda parter. Flertalet länder erkänner den arktiska ursprungsbefolkningens mänskliga rättigheter, men hur rättigheterna implementeras och vilken utsträckning ursprungsbefolkningen får medverka i implementeringen skiljer sig åt mellan staterna. Skillnaden ligger framförallt i hur maktstrukturen är fördelad mellan staten och ursprungsbefolkningen, där vissa länder uppvisar en stark centralmakt medan andra ger större utrymme för självbestämmande och självstyre. Generellt har staterna därför en betydande roll för beslutstagande influerat av både realistiska och liberalistiska värderingar. I den mån som staterna agerar efter liberalistiska värderingar så arbetar dem aktivt mot att samarbeta med ursprungsbefolkningen och bekräfta deras rätt till inflytande för att generera en representativ bild av samhället. Å andra sidan visar nationalstatens centrala roll i beslutsprocesser på att realistiska värderingar fortfarande väger tungt i samhällsstrukturen samt utformandet av nationella intressen och policys. / This multiple case study has the purpose of examining how the Arctic indigenous population is given regional influence in issues that directly or indirectly are affecting their traditional livelihoods in the Arctic areas belonging to Russia, the United States, Canada, Denmark (Greenland) and Norway. The study applies the method of Ethnographic Content Analysis and uses the international relation theories of liberalism and realism to analyze the nations’ Arctic policies and institutional processes that affects their Arctic indigenous population. The matter of influence within the states institutional processes is of vital significance for the continued survival of the Arctic indigenous population, and since the Arctic is believed to become a new global area of development, it is important to identify the dangers that bad strategies, policies, legal framework and cooperation could create in relation to the well-being of the Arctic indigenous people. The result of the study show that the Arctic is important both as a geostrategic and an economic perspective for the countries, which limits or obstruct the influence given to the indigenous peoples in issues affecting both parties. The majority of the countries recognize the Arctic indigenous peoples’ human rights, but the countries differ in both how the rights are implemented and to what extent the indigenous population are part of the implementation. The difference lies especially in how power is distributed between the state and the indigenous people, where some countries showcase a strong centralized power within the government and other states devote a greater space for self-determination and autonomy. Generally, the states’ role for decision-making is therefore of great importance, influenced by both realistic and liberal values. When acting upon liberal values, the states actively work towards cooperation with the indigenous people and recognizing the indigenous people’s right to influence, to generate a representative depiction of the society. However, the nation state’s central role in decision-making display that realistic values still are paramount in the structure of society and in the formation of national interests and policies.

公私協力與自主規制在現代國家中，作為國家整體管制架構與管制行政之一環，有輔助國家行政機關之功能，減輕國家財力與人力之負擔，其有委託私人行使公權力者，則應有法律保留原則之適用，具公共目的存在與實現之關聯性與合比例性，方符合憲性之要件。若以組織法之規定，或無法律授權基礎之職權命令，均有違法治國之法律保留原則。在勞動契約上，政府透過法規範，對私法自治關係之勞動契約，以核備、備查或核定等之事前審查；在勞工保護上，課雇主以應作為與不作為之強制義務，及勞動三權之自主運作規範，協力與政府部門共同達成行政任務目標。 綜合本文研究，公私協力與自主規制在勞動法之實踐，係以公法規制私法，及容認私經濟主體在勞動關係之自主規制，連結公私部門關係，協力達成國家行政任務目標。這種公法介入私法關係，使私法形成之行政處分，作為保護勞工權益之行政處分，在勞動法上以勞基法第八十四條之一，有關勞雇約定書送地方主管機關核備之准駁行政處分。此行政處分導致勞雇間之私法關係變化，或與主管機關間之爭訟，其爭訟救濟之審判管轄權互有不同。 本研究有關建議摘要如下： 一、對勞動關係具成效之私經濟主體，毋寧採取自主規制方式，減少國家管制成本、降低資源耗費。 二、因法條文義不明致生重大爭議，主管機關之處理仍應具法律正當性。 三、公私協力與自主規制在勞動法之實踐，大抵以公法規制私法為基礎規範，主管機關執行上，仍須依循法律授權及法律明確性原則。 四、地方主管機關之行政裁量，不宜各自為政導致差異過大；且私法形成之行政處分，更應符合行政原則。

Since the creation of modern-day Iraq by the British Empire in 1920, the country’s state territorial structuring has been an ever-evolving source of political instability and conflict. Iraq’s ethnic and sectarian groups have been locked in a near constant struggle over questions of self-rule, shared rule, and secession. Consequently, the territorial model of federalism has never been far from political discussions, negotiations, and territorial disputes. Federalism was finally officially adopted in 2005, giving a new definition to Iraq’s territorial model. But while federalism seemed a natural means of managing Iraq’s long-standing ethno-sectarian divisions and was democratically ratified in a process that included most ethnic and sectarian groups, the model has failed to materialize, and territorial structure remains a major point of contention between the groups. The overarching aim of this dissertation is to shed light on two key questions. First, how have the dynamics between the major ethnic and sectarian groups of Iraq shaped the evolution of the country’s territorial structure from 1920 up to and beyond the federal constitution in 2005? Second, what can the trajectory of this evolution teach us about why federalism was adopted but has failed to materialize? I shall argue that Iraq’s territorial structuring over the past century has been systematically influenced by at least one of four “I”s: the groups’ ideas concerning territorial structuring, their conceptualizations of group identities, their definitions of group interests, and the influence of foreign actors. Focussing on the Shiite Arabs, the Sunni Arabs, and the Kurds, I will examine how these four factors have interacted to shape the territorial organization of Iraq over four key time periods: (i) the foundation of Iraq in 1920 to Saddam Hussein’s rise to the presidency in 1979, (ii) Saddam’s rule from 1979 to 2003, (iii) Saddam’s deposition in 2003 to the adoption of the federal constitution in 2005, and (iv) the post-constitutional period from 2005 to the present. I thus hope to explain how evolving inter-group dynamics over the past century have impacted the development of Iraq’s territorial structure, arguing that this sheds light on both the reference to federalism in the 2005 constitution and its subsequent failure to materialize. This dissertation thus demonstrates the powerful ways in which Iraq’s territorial structuring has been shaped by past trends in ethno-sectarian dynamics, putting us in a better position to understand the complexities of the country’s current territorial politics.

This thesis argues that King Leopold II, in his exploitation of the Congo, dealt the Congo a future of political, ethnic, and economic destabilization. At one time consisting of unified and advanced kingdoms, the Congo turned to one completely beleaguered by poverty and political oppression. Leopold acquired the Congo through unethical means and thus took the people's chances away at self-rule. He provided for no education or vocational training, which would stunt future Congolese leaders from making sound economic and political policies. Leopold also exploited the Congo with the help of concession companies, both of which used forced labor to extract valuable resources. Millions of Congolese died and the Congo itself became indebted through Belgian loans that were given with no assurance they could ever truly be paid back due to the crippled economy of the Congo. With the Congo now in crippling debt, the current president, Joseph Kabila, has little incentive to invest in reforms or public infrastructure, which stunts economic growth.1 For over a century the Congo has been ruled by exploitative and authoritarian regimes due to Leopold's initial acquisition. The colonization from Leopold lasted from 1885-1908, and then he sold it to his home country of Belgium who ruled the Congo from 1908 to 1960. Belgium helped prop up a dictator named Joseph Mobutu or Mobutu Sese Seko who ruled from 1965 to 1997. Afterwards he was overthrown by the Kabila family who has continued the exploitative rule and has made no significant efforts at democratization or reforms. Thus the ethnic conflicts, political oppression and economic woes that the Congo is facing today are inevitably linked to its Leopoldian past.