The objective of this thesis is to provide a theoretical analysis and conceptual history of the most significant instances of convergence between 'anarchist' and 'Marxist' political ideas and practices, circa 1872-1963. This study will be conducted with two key aims. First, reassessing some of the dominant claims of a dichotomous relationship between the anarchist and Marxist traditions. Second, with a view towards determining if moments of convergence exhibit sufficient continuity and coherence to be considered as a distinct ideological current or sub-variant within the broader socialist tradition, or what has sometimes been referred to as 'libertarian socialism' or 'libertarian communism'. I argue that the communist, anti-statist, and anti-parliamentary currents in the international working-class movement expose a neglected sphere of commonality which demands closer investigation. In part one, 'Convergences and Divergences', I problematise the dominant interpretations of the relationships between anarchism and Marxism as hostile and irreconcilable ideologies. Employing the 'morphological' approach to ideologies, I then recast this debate as an interplay between two core political concepts: the 'libertarian' critique of hierarchy and authoritarianism and the 'communist' critique of the capitalist mode of production and alienated labour. Part two, 'Beyond the Red and Black Divide', examines the intersections of the libertarian and communist critiques through three case studies. In the first case study, the 'Chicago Idea' movement of the Haymarket Martyrs is examined as an instance of anarchist/Marxist synthesis - one of the ideological precursors of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) union. Case study two examines ideological innovations which emerged in response to the Russian Revolution (1917-1921) and Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) through an analysis of the Makhnovist-platformist, council communist, and the 'Friends of Durruti' group conceptions of revolutionary organisation. The final case study examines the post-war evolution of the Socialisme ou Barbarie, Johnson-Forest Tendency, and Solidarity groups from Trotskyism to 'libertarian socialism'.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / A presente pesquisa investiga a circulaÃÃo do conhecimento pedagÃgico anarquista europeu no Brasil entre as primeiras dÃcadas do sÃculo XX. Para isso, constrÃi inicialmente uma definiÃÃo conceitual do Anarquismo, enquanto ideologia, e traÃa relaÃÃes do movimento anarquista com a EducaÃÃo, anunciando seus teÃricos ainda do sÃculo XIX, e demonstrando a relaÃÃo destes com conceitos posteriormente utilizados pelos pedagogos e prÃticos das ideias libertÃrias em educaÃÃo. Na primeira parte do trabalho, faz uma discussÃo historiogrÃfica dos estudos sobre o Anarquismo no Brasil e sobre a ausÃncia da pedagogia libertÃria nos âmanuaisâ de HistÃria da EducaÃÃo, problematizando tambÃm a questÃo das âtendÃncias pedagÃgicasâ. Na segunda parte define-se alguns princÃpios caros a tradiÃÃo libertÃria na educaÃÃo, como: a instruÃÃo integral, o ensino antiautoritÃrio e o binÃmio educaÃÃo-revoluÃÃo. Apresenta as ideias educacionais de autores clÃssicos do anarquismo, como Bakunin, Kropotkin e Reclus, mas tambÃm dos pedagogos Paul Robin e Francisco Ferrer y Guardia, ambos responsÃveis pela expansÃo do ensino racionalista e libertÃrio por todo o movimento operÃrio em vÃrios paÃses. Em seu terceiro capÃtulo, investiga-se a circulaÃÃo do pensamento pedagÃgico libertÃrio no Brasil, demonstrando as iniciativas dos anarquistas nos projetos educativos e relacionando com os projetos internacionais. Discute a importÃncia da imprensa operÃria para a expansÃo do ensino anarquista, e coloca o papel das experiÃncias educativas dos anarquistas no Brasil, como: criaÃÃo de escolas libertÃrias, centros de cultura, abertura de bibliotecas, ediÃÃo de livros e abertura de dezenas de periÃdicos, inclusive com jornais dedicados especificamente com a educaÃÃo, como o jornal O InÃcio, jornal dos estudantes da Escola Moderna de SÃo Paulo. / The present scientific research investigates the circulation of European pedagogic knowledge in Brazil among the first decades of the twentieth century. To do so, it builds initially a conceptual definition of Anarchism, as an ideology, and relates the anarchist movement with Education, announcing its theoreticians still in the nineteenth century, and showing the relation between those with concepts later on used by pedagogues and practitioners of the libertarian ideas in education. In the first part of the paper, we do a historiographicaldiscussion of the studies about anarchism in Brazil and about the lack of libertarian pedagogy in the History of Education âmanualsâ, problematizing also the question of âpedagogical tendenciesâ. In the second part, some dear principles to the libertarian tradition in education are defined, as: the integral instruction, the antiauthoritarian teaching and the education-revolution binomial. We present the educational ideas of classical authors of anarchism, like Bakunin, Kropotkin and Reclus, but also of the pedagogues Paul Robin and Francisco Ferrer y Guardia, both responsible for the expansion of the rationalist and libertarian teaching through all the workers movement in several countries. In its third chapter, we investigate the circulation of the libertarian thought in Brazil, showing the anarchists initiatives in educational projects and relating them with international projects. We discuss the importance of the worker press to the expansion of the libertarian education, and put the role of the educational experiences of anarchists in Brazil, like: The creation of libertarian schools, culture centers, the opening of libraries, edition of books and the opening of dozens of magazines, including newspapers dedicated especially to education, like the newspaper O InÃcio, created by students of the Modern School of SÃo Paulo (Escola Moderna de SÃo Paulo).

The idea of the social contract has in many ways always been primarily concerned with the distribution of freedoms and powers between the State and legal subjects. It has effectively become trite that the State may, through legislation, limit if not extinguish the liberty of individuals. At the same time, there appears to be widespread agreement that the law is at least also relevant to the protection of the individual’s freedom to self-determine their own affairs. One school of thought, libertarianism, elevates the recognition and protection of individual rights, including private property rights, to the main, if not the sole, purpose of law. Another, distinctively South African school that may be referred to as Transformationism, does not, and appears willing if not eager to sacrifice individual freedom on the altar of wide-ranging socio-economic and political change in society. In this study, three broad, multi-faced objectives are pursued, each roughly corresponding to Chapters 2, 3, and 4 respectively. First, the legal-jurisprudential component of libertarianism is extracted from its political-philosophical discourse and described and considered in detail. This includes, primarily, a determination of what libertarianism’s approach to the individual’s place in society entails, how the individual’s inalienable rights were brought about, and how and why the law must protect those rights. Some of the legal implications of this state of affairs are also identified. Second, the emerging ideological basis of new South African law, mostly in the form of legislation and superior court judgments, called “Transformationism”, is considered. Some of the latent undercurrents of this school of thought, including so-called “Critical Legal Studies”, “Critical Race Theory”, and “transformative constitutionalism”, and how certain ideas from these currents have made their way into the law are also discussed. Third, key aspects of Transformationism are selected for a theoretical reply by libertarianism. Those aspects are the Transformationist aversion toward the freedom of the individual (particularly when it comes to private property rights), the emphasis on so-called substantive equality in legal policy, and the subversion of constitutionalism, understood to be a doctrine aimed at limiting the scope and exercise of government power. The study concludes that the best account of law is that it exists chiefly for the recognition and protection of individual liberty, and that third parties, including the State, may not interfere uninvitedly in the affairs of individual persons unless they themselves are interfering in the affairs of others. In other words, the law’s role is fixed and protective, not creative and offensive. South African law (indeed all law), particularly having regard to the contemporary influence of Transformationism, should therefore be developed in favorem libertatis. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Public Law / LLM / Unrestricted

Cass Sunstein and Richard Thaler (2003, 2006, 2009) contend that the government is justified in shaping certain choices of individuals to advance their well-being. In this paper, I argue that those who are committed to a robust notion of autonomy, which I call autonomy as authority, have good reason to reject the Sunstein-Thaler (S/T) argument for libertarian paternalism. I draw from Joseph Raz’s (1990) idea of exclusionary reasons and Daniel Groll’s (2012) conception of autonomy to argue that the S/T argument for libertarian paternalism fails to respect autonomy. I consider if soft paternalism could be called upon as a foundation for libertarian paternalism, but argue against this possibility. I conclude that an adequate defense of libertarian paternalism would need to directly attack the notion of autonomy as authority, but such an attack has yet to be mounted by the defenders of libertarian paternalism.

Il est ici question de la place du corps en tant qu’objet d’éducation, mais aussi en tant que moyen d’éducation dans le mouvement libertaire au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles. Après avoir examiné les projets contemporains de la fondation de l’Association Internationale des Travailleurs, le cadrage du sujet et la compréhension des questions qu’il soulève nécessitent de reculer dans le temps pour saisir comment et quand cet intérêt renouvelé pour l’éducation du corps est apparu en France. Il nous apparait alors nécessaire de traiter de l’apport du fouriérisme et de la détermination positiviste du regard que les libertaires ont porté sur le corps. Aussi, dans un deuxième temps, nous nous attachons à présenter certaines de ces écoles ou milieux scolaires, notamment l’Orphelinat Prévost de Cempuis sous la direction de Paul Robin, entre 1880 et 1894. Nous mettons en évidence le rôle central de cette institution qui a eu valeur de modèle pour nombre de réalisations ultérieures, notamment l’École libertaire, l’Orphelinat Dugardin, la Escuela Moderna, la Ferrer Colony de Stelton, l’École Ferrer de Lausanne, La Ruche et l’Avenir social. Enfin, nous consacrons un troisième temps plus réflexif à l’examen du lien unissant le corps à la politique, et aux enjeux pédagogiques qui en découlent, mettant en évidence que toute politique du corps fait du corps un objet politique. Nous examinons de quelle manière se sont déployés les vecteurs de propagande libertaire liés à l’éducation du corps et par le corps que sont le néomalthusianisme, la liberté de mouvement, le naturisme, etc. Enfin, une analyse prenant en compte la biopolitique foucaldienne montre toute l’actualité de ces combats. / We’ll study how the body can be promoted in the libertarian education both as an object and also as a means at the turn of the 19Th and 20Th centuries. After focusing on educational projects at the time of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), we realized that it might be necessary to go back to the early 19th century to understand how and when this renewed interest for body education emerged again, mostly in France. In this regard, from our perspective, both Charles Fourier’s theory and positivism appear to be determining in the anarchist approach. Consequently, we’ll then present a number of relevant schools such as the Prevost Orphanage in Cempuis headed by Paul Robin between 1880 and 1894. We’ll then show the utmost importance of this educational institution, which inspired numbers of schools including The “École libertaire” project, the Dugardin Orphanage in Brussels, The Escuela Moderna in Barcelona, the Ferrer Colony of Stelton, the Ferrer School in Lausanne, “La Ruche” and the “Avenir social” in France. At last, we’ll examine the link between body and politics in pedagogy and the fact that this interest in the body shows that a politicized body is at stake. We then present anarchist propaganda’s media such as naturism, renewal of Malthusianism and freedom of movement in school. Finally it appears quite necessary to relocate these somewhat forgotten theoretical quarrels through Foucault’s theory of biopolitics, a most appropriate and ultimate tool to better understand these still contemporary issues.

It is commonly believed that paternalism is at odds with libertarianism. Recent literature has suggested that there are forms of paternalism which are acceptable to libertarians: namely “nudging”, sometimes even referred to as “libertarian paternalism”. The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, to investigate the taxonomical question of how libertarianism, paternalism and nudging relate to each other. Secondly, to investigate whether, and if so when, paternalism is compatible with libertarianism. I argue that any action which is not coercive is compatible with libertarianism. Thus, any non-coercive paternalist action is compatible with libertarianism. I also argue that there are several paternalist action types, such as nudges, informing and incentivizing, which are not coercive, and thus are compatible with libertarianism.

I argue that, while no major politician is openly acknowledging affiliation with or adoption of Dominionist political beliefs, that these beliefs are influencing the tenor of the Republican party and that the influence of these beliefs is reflected in many of the policies and platforms of prominent members. Further, there are Dominionist adjacent organizations actively driving the Overton window and the public policy agenda towards a more Domionist centered political arena. Specifically, this paper examines the 1776 Report as a reflection of Dominionist themes and the culmination of efforts by the Congressional Prayer Caucus Foundation and its Project Blitz to bring Dominionist Christian viewpoints into the public discourse. Thus, this paper argues that the Dominionstis mindset has successfully reached the highest levels of power in the US government.

År 2003 publicerade Richard H. Thaler och Cass R. Sunstein två artiklar om en föreslagen policymetod, på svenska kallad libertariansk paternalism, som med hjälp av både öppna och subtilt influerande metoder är tänkt att bistå människor med bättre beslutsfattande, och samtidigt tillfredsställa libertarianska ideal och principer rörande individuell autonomi genom dess avsaknad av tvångsmetoder. Min tes hävdar, såsom flertalet kritiker, att denna föreslagna policymetod och dess praktiska metoder inte klarar av att leva upp till de libertarianska idealen och principerna gällande individuell autonomi, då de trots allt innehåller paternalistiska aspekter av tvång, vilket anses vara anti-libertarianska. Jag argumenterar för att de främsta anledningarna till detta är 1) avsaknaden av medgivande från tilltänkt influerad agent, samt 2) att de utövade metoderna kan anses vara manipulativa och inte respektera en agents originella preferenser. I denna uppsats undersöker jag även om och på vilka grunder manipulation som fenomen kan anses innehålla aspekter av tvång. / In 2003, Richard H. Thaler and Cass R. Sunstein published two articles presenting a proposed policy method called libertarian paternalism, which with the help of both open and subtly influential methods is intended to assist people with better decision-making, and at the same time satisfy libertarian ideals and principles of individual autonomy through its lack of coercive methods. My thesis argues, like most critics, that this proposed policy method and its practical methods fail to live up to the libertarian ideals and principles of autonomy, as the nevertheless contain paternalistic aspects of coercion, which is considered anti-libertarian. I argue that the main reasons for this are 1) the lack of consent from the intended influenced agent, and 2) that the methods practiced can be considered manipulative and not respect an agent’s original preferences. In this paper, I also examine whether, and on what grounds manipulation as a phenomenon can be considered to include aspects of coercion.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century a burgeoning global private military sector is increasingly involved in areas of defence and security that, up until recently, were popularly thought of as being within the monopolistic preserve of the nation state. Finding itself at the vanguard of profound political and economic change, today’s Royal Navy is increasingly reliant on relationships with the private sector that only thirty years ago would have seemed unimaginable to many commentators. As naval shipbuilding, dockyard refitting, logistics, training, and even warship ownership and manning, move from a unitary state to an increasingly self-organising private sector bounded by a differentiated and decentered polity, this thesis is concerned with boundaries of elite discourse on legitimacy in the political economy of Royal Navy and British naval sea power and their implications for New Public Management theory. At its core, the study presents original research into the attitudes of fifty elite opinion formers directly concerned with the discourse of Royal Navy modernisation and profiles their ideational boundaries concerning the political economy of force and violence. The thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by presenting empirically and framing theoretically the ways in which elite naval attitudes to the political economy of legitimated force have changed and are evolving. The research is important because it challenges what many commentators have come to believe to be an a priori function of the nation state, namely, the monopoly use of force, with the actual views of those opinion formers who currently hold positions of power and influence in and around one of its core ‘ideal type’ institutions: the Royal Navy. The research is also significant because in attempting to clarify the conceptual boundaries of this elite discourse, it also presents a powerful critique of New Public Management with reference to the problematic dimensions of time, economic complexity and socio-political power.

Writers tend to exude political views and ideas in their works. Robert A. Heinlein and his works havebeen interpreted from multiple political standpoints, yet almost no such interpretation has beenapplied to his later works. In this paper Lazarus Long, the protagonist in Heinlein’s Time Enough forLove, is interpreted through a libertarian looking glass, focusing on the novel’s societal critique andideas regarding liberty, power, government and economy. This paper is written with the goal ofshowing that the protagonist in Time Enough for Love can be said to be libertarian in perspective andattitude. This is done by using libertarian concepts divided into five categories, these categories beinginterpreted from David Boaz´s primer on libertarianism: societal criticism, governmental criticism,economic criticism, flourishing and observations. Conclusively this paper states that Robert A.Heinlein’s protagonist in the novel Time Enough for Love seems to have many influences by libertarianideals and can be said to be libertarian in perspective and attitude.