A presente dissertação tem por objetivo estudar a previdência social no Brasil. Um estudo das reformas previdenciárias adotadas na Argentina e no Chile serve como parâmetro de comparação para analisar o caso brasileiro. Através da literatura e dos dados pesquisados, procura-se conhecer a história, a composição, a constituição, assim como as principais fragilidades do sistema previdenciário e seus impactos nas economias em questão (chilena, argentina e brasileira). Foram pesquisadas soluções e estratégias, tanto econômicas quanto legais, adotadas nas reformas previdenciária do Chile e da Argentina. Tenta-se responder se estas estratégias foram bem sucedidas nestes paises, e apresentar a relevância dessas reformas para o caso brasileiro, fornecendo sugestões para futuros trabalhos. Os resultados do trabalho apontam a previdência social brasileira como uma grande política pública de assistência social, diferente dos sistemas de previdência da Argentina e do Chile. Além disso, demonstra-se que as particularidades da população e da economia no Brasil impedem a implantação desses modelos de reforma, uma vez que isto implicaria em um altíssimo custo social. / The present dissertation has the objective of analyze the social welfare in Brazil, making a comparison with the social welfare reforms adopted in Argentina and Chile. Through the literature and researched datas, we looked forward to know its composition, constitution, and main vulnerabilities of the social welfare system in the economy of Chile, Argentina and Brazil.Were researched solutions and strategies, not just economic but also legal, adopted in the reform of social welfare in Chile and Argentina. It is tried to answer weather the strategies had been successful in these countries, and to present the relevance of these reforms to the Brazilian case, providing suggestions for future works.The results of the research, points the Brazilian social welfare as a great public politic of social assistance, different from the systems of Argentina and Chile. Besides this, it is demonstrated that the particularities of the population and of the economy in Brazil hinder the implantation of these models of reform, as it would demand a high social cost.

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo estudar a previdência social no Brasil. Um estudo das reformas previdenciárias adotadas na Argentina e no Chile serve como parâmetro de comparação para analisar o caso brasileiro. Através da literatura e dos dados pesquisados, procura-se conhecer a história, a composição, a constituição, assim como as principais fragilidades do sistema previdenciário e seus impactos nas economias em questão (chilena, argentina e brasileira). Foram pesquisadas soluções e estratégias, tanto econômicas quanto legais, adotadas nas reformas previdenciária do Chile e da Argentina. Tenta-se responder se estas estratégias foram bem sucedidas nestes paises, e apresentar a relevância dessas reformas para o caso brasileiro, fornecendo sugestões para futuros trabalhos. Os resultados do trabalho apontam a previdência social brasileira como uma grande política pública de assistência social, diferente dos sistemas de previdência da Argentina e do Chile. Além disso, demonstra-se que as particularidades da população e da economia no Brasil impedem a implantação desses modelos de reforma, uma vez que isto implicaria em um altíssimo custo social. / The present dissertation has the objective of analyze the social welfare in Brazil, making a comparison with the social welfare reforms adopted in Argentina and Chile. Through the literature and researched datas, we looked forward to know its composition, constitution, and main vulnerabilities of the social welfare system in the economy of Chile, Argentina and Brazil.Were researched solutions and strategies, not just economic but also legal, adopted in the reform of social welfare in Chile and Argentina. It is tried to answer weather the strategies had been successful in these countries, and to present the relevance of these reforms to the Brazilian case, providing suggestions for future works.The results of the research, points the Brazilian social welfare as a great public politic of social assistance, different from the systems of Argentina and Chile. Besides this, it is demonstrated that the particularities of the population and of the economy in Brazil hinder the implantation of these models of reform, as it would demand a high social cost.

Orientador: Cláudio Salvadori Dedecca / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T10:57:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carvalho_VictoriaEcheverriade_M.pdf: 1938659 bytes, checksum: 6cbc010c440b606c5ae7f786f8f6df8b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Este trabalho situa-se no âmbito da discussão sobre a conceituação e definição dos termos Política Social e Welfare State assim como as tipologias deste último enfatizando as origens e o desenvolvimento dos regimes de proteção social em países previamente selecionados. Nele são apresentadas diversas análises sobre os principais fatores que determinaram as origens e o desenvolvimento do Welfare State, com base em diversos autores como Wilensky, Offe, O'Connor, Esping-Andersen, Orloff, Skocpol, dentre outros. Também são apresentadas as tipologias de Titmuss, Esping-Andersen, Ferrera e Moreno. A exposição desses estudos culminou na formulação de um quadro útil da configuração dos regimes de proteção social nos países de economias capitalistas avançadas e no Brasil. Pretende com isto contribuir para a reflexão teórica sobre papel das políticas sociais na sociedade atual / Abstract: This work lies within the discussion about the concept and definition of Social Policy and Welfare State and also about the Welfare State's typologies emphasizing the origins and development of social protection schemes in countries previously selected. Several analyses of the main factors that determined the origins and development of the Welfare State are presented based on several authors as Wilensky, Offe, O'Connor, Esping-Andersen, Orloff, Skocpol, among others. The Welfare State's typologies developed by Titmuss, Esping-Andersen, Ferrera and Moreno are also presented. The exhibition of these studies culminated in the formulation of a useful and configured framework of social protection schemes in the advanced capitalist economies and in Brazil. The intention is to contribute to the theoretical reflection about the role of social policies in today's society / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-24T19:58:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 nittinaannaaraujobianchibotaro.pdf: 995482 bytes, checksum: 0cc96441c43b7e0638e5553cefa78b69 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-06-28T13:14:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 nittinaannaaraujobianchibotaro.pdf: 995482 bytes, checksum: 0cc96441c43b7e0638e5553cefa78b69 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-28T13:14:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 nittinaannaaraujobianchibotaro.pdf: 995482 bytes, checksum: 0cc96441c43b7e0638e5553cefa78b69 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-07-05 / O objeto deste trabalho é o estudo da presença dos planos de saúde privados nos sistema de saúde brasileiro desde o final do século passado, com foco na ação regulatória desenvolvida pela Agência Nacional de Saúde Suplementar. Serão destacados os debates e resoluções de sua Diretoria Colegiada e as atas da Câmara de Saúde Suplementar. Em especial nessa última é possível identificar a participação dos diferentes atores que estão presentes na operação do sistema de saúde. Em nosso caso, vamos considerar apenas aqueles que, de certa forma, têm interesse direto na regulação e no funcionamento dos planos de saúde, isto é, as empresas de planos e seguros de saúde os médicos, os hospitais, o governo e os usuários. / -

This master thesis explores what were the causes of falling behind of the Swedish economy during the 70s and 80s of the 20th century. In addition, it deals with the reforms that Sweden has implemented during 90's. Theoretical input is engaged in development of economy and society and focuses on the period of the 30s, which was crucial for further development and in which laid the foundation for later growth. In the analytical part are explored the causes of the economic slowdown. This led to the gradual decline of economic level and a slump in international rankings. Analysis of the reforms carried out during the 90s of the 20th century provides guidance for all countries which want to optimize the allocation of resources in the economy and are trying to accelerate economic growth.

This dissertation examines the welfare state and social pacts and determines both the causes for their decline and the political effects of their erosion in a series of three papers. Though each of these papers stands alone, together they speak to the growing influence of the European Union, which I find has been a catalyst for retrenchment and diminished social pacts in the aftermath of the Eurozone Crisis. Furthermore, it has been an underestimated factor in the contemporary spike in support for radical right parties. In an era where unpopular policies are imposed by governments under pressure from supranational entities, this volume answers the question of how the public responds to and perceives these changes. Importantly, this dissertation finds that there are two distinct national models for how the public responds to unpopular policies and ultimately the distinction between these two models is whether or not the public rewards parties for past performance or simply punishes them for unpopular policies. This volume sheds light on a political world where austerity is the consensus policy and national governments are constrained by supranational politics. The first paper presents an experimental design testing how the policy evaluations of people in Sweden and the U.K. are influenced by partisan cues. I develop the concept of issue deficits, building and expanding upon the issue ownership literature and behavioral economics. The results show two distinct models, with Sweden acting according to the issue ownership model and the U.K. acting according to my issue deficit theory. My second paper combines a large-N analysis of a cross-national survey with a qualitative analysis, which demonstrates that Euroskepticism is a major independent driver of support for radical right parties. My third paper shows that the European Union has been a significant factor in the decline of social pacts in Europe using a nested analysis. Pressure from the EU can either produce negotiations or stifle them, depending on if the pressure is visible in the public sphere.

This thesis deals mainly with the question how and to what extent the 1997 Asian financial crisis influenced the unprecedented development of the welfare system in South Korea while other Asian countries remained or diminished their welfare programs. This research explains the historical development of the South Korean welfare system, which has been entwined with political and economic conditions in the theoretical approach of the path dependence. This research proved that the 1997 crisis was a critical juncture, which explains how unprecedented welfare policy reforms were achieved and that the character of the South Korean welfare system has improved. While the IMF and the World Bank required the reforms and expansion of social safety net as a bailout condition, the political leadership of South Korea was changed by President Kim Dae-Jung, which made possible opening progressive policymaking and decision processes in reform politics to extend the national welfare system, particularly four social insurance systems and the public assistance. Given these occasions, the character of the South Korean welfare system has transferred from the liberal welfare-state regime to the conservative.

No description available.

<p>Since the historic compromise between employers and workers in Germany in the late 1880s, whereby workers gave up their right to sue their employers in return for an administrative system that would compensate them for medical fees and income losses, Workers’ Compensation (WC) has been part of workers' protection against occupational hazards. Neo-liberal globalization, on both the domestic and global levels, with the accompanying the drives to increase productivity and reinforce international competitiveness are, however, undermining WC's effective functioning.<br />The worldwide vulnerability of WC is apparent, and South Korea and Canada are no exceptions. Despite the very different origins and developmental processes of WC in these two countries, in the context of neo-liberal globalization they seem similarly directed. The research aims to develop a comparative and contextualized analysis of the development of WC in these two countries, and to develop a critical analysis of the erosion of welfare through the recent changes in WC in them. Two research questions are thus explored: a) How has WC in South Korea and Canada developed since its adoption?; and b) How have the recent changes in WC in these two countries eroded the notions of the “welfare state” and “citizenship”, which are key to WC’s original purposes?<br />Using comparative policy analysis based on documents review, this research suggests that the advent of WC in Canada was a spontaneous response to social circumstances that demanded an institution to deal with the increase in occupational accidents that accompanied industrialization in the early 1900s. Conversely, WC in South Korea was established through the government imperative for economic growth and its other political purposes, which are typical features of the developmental welfare models.<br />The initial development of WC in Canada was thus radically different from its counterpart in South Korea; but recent reforms in the two countries demonstrate how neo-liberal ideology and managerialism have both led WC in the same direction. For instance, the employers' financial incentive of the experience rating system prevents the compensation of injured workers, and eventually renders WC ineffective as a social safety net. Early return-to-work programs are consistent with the “welfare-to-work” model for injured workers, and amount to a method of shifting costs from employers to public tax payers. The WC reforms in question, in both countries, reflect a very narrow and restricted conception – a neo-liberal conception – of citizenship.<br />These “anti-labour” elements of social insurance for injured workers are mainly products of neo-liberal globalization, which emphasizes efficiency and competitiveness above all else. In the context of neo-liberal managerialism, a number of workers in developed countries who are, mostly, non-regular and migrant workers are precluded from the protection of WC. While workers in the North are implicitly marginalized, their counterparts in the South are explicitly ignored by social security systems.</p> / Master of Social Work (MSW)

This dissertation begins from a desire to explain situations in which left-wing parties appear to adopt policies that are more typically associated with right-wing thinking. A standard explanation for such behaviour is that relatively weak left-wing parties are drawn to adopt those policies as a way of getting elected — commonly expressed as convergence on the median voter. The puzzle, however, is that this explanation often seems to fall foul of the empirical reality that left-wing parties adopt these policies when they are relatively strong, not weak. The explanation for this advanced here is that parties, seeking to improve outcomes for their constituencies both now and in the future, often operate in political environments which lead them to assign a high probability that today’s policy choices will not survive the predations of government by opposing parties tomorrow. Where this is the case, there is incentive to pursue policies that are less efficient, but which have inbuilt political defence mechanisms: with the main such mechanism focused upon here being the power of organised public sector labour. The effect of partisanship is, therefore, conditioned by expectations about the future political power of parties. Where left-wing parties expect to be weak, they will tend to adopt the highly statist, bureaucratised, nationalised policies that are traditionally associated with the Left as these will tend to embody large amounts of organised labour that will be a counter to future right-wing governments. Where left-wing parties expect to be strong, the costs associated with such policies come to outweigh the benefits, with the result that they do not need to pursue such ‘left-wing’ policies. These ideas are developed heoretically within an institutionalist framework, yielding a synthesis between the historical and rational choice institutionalisms. Empirically, the theoretical framework is applied to the development of welfare states and to the issue of privatisation of state-owned enterprises.