Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:46:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TATYANE KAREN DA SILVA GOES.pdf: 1016558 bytes, checksum: 3aa63a147cc34bdde0021fa33dddbe4c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-14 / This work intend to study and analyze the idea of crisis in Welfare that the media passes for public opinion to demystify the premise that Brazilian Welfare found bankrupt financial, politically and socially. Thus shows the trajectory of the liberal State, social democratic State and neoliberalism, to understand the birthplace of the Institute of Welfare and Social Security recently. Depicts the organization of Welfare and the factors that interfere in its evolution as a change in society, the State organization and the economy. Understanding that in fact the time of Welfare is changing as the social security models today are reflections of a society that no longer exists, therefore what make-up as crisis is a necessary evolution of the Welfare model to correspond the new existing social risks. / O presente trabalho pretende estudar e analisar a ideia de crise na previdência social que a mídia repassa para a opinião pública de forma a desmistificar a premissa de que a previdência social brasileira encontra-se falida financeira, política e socialmente. Para tanto, faz-se uma trajetória do Estado liberal, o Estado social-democrata e o neoliberalismo, para que se compreenda o nascedouro do instituto da previdência social e recentemente da seguridade social. Demonstra-se a organização da previdência social e os fatores que interferem em sua evolução, como a mudança da sociedade, da organização estatal e da economia. Compreende-se que de fato o momento da previdência é de mudança, já que os modelos previdenciários até hoje adotados são reflexos de uma sociedade que não mais existe, assim o que maquia-se como crise é uma evolução necessária do modelo de previdência para corresponder aos novos riscos sociais existentes, há nova sociedade existente.

Magistriniame darbe pristatomas Švedijos socialinės politikos modelis, apžvelgiama raida, nustatoma kokiam gerovės valstybės tipui jis priskiriamas. Nagrinėjamos gerovės valstybės formavimosi sąlygos, socialdemokratų politikos ideologijos įtaka socialiniam modeliui ir bedarbių integracijai. Darbe analizuojamas nedarbo paplitimas Švedijoje, rodikliai lyginami su ES. Tiriamos bedarbystės priežastys, nagrinėjamos nedarbo mažinimo priemonės. Prieita išvados, jog Švedijos socialiniam modeliui ir gerovės valstybei pamatus padėjo socialdemokratų politika ir ideologija, kurios vertybės išlaikytos iki šių dienų. Efektyvi socialdemokratų socialinė politika ir aktyvios darbo rinkos priemonės daro didelę įtaką bedarbių integracijos rezultatyvumui ir lemia žemą nedarbo lygį. Magistrinis darbas aktualus visos ES lygiu, nes socialinė politika Švedijoje plačiai išvystyta, o ES dar tik formuojama. Šalis jau pasiekė ES Lisabonos strategijos 2010 m. numatytus užimtumo tikslus. Čia daugelį metų nedarbo lygis mažesnis nei kitose ES šalyse. Švedija – universali valstybė, kurioje derinamas ekonomikos augimas, visiško užimtumo siekimas, nedarbo mažinimas kartu atidžiai rūpinantis gyventojų socialine apsauga. O Lietuvoje, kaip ir kai kuriose ES šalyse, trūksta gerovės valstybės elementų. / The model of social policy in Sweden is introduced in this Master‘s research work. Its evolution, the type of welfare state, conditions of formation are defined. The influence is established for social democratic ideology on the social model and for the integration process of unemployed persons. The prevalence of unemployment in Sweden is analysed, the rates are compared with EU. Unemployment reasons and means of unemployment reduction are considered. It was concluded, that the corner stone of Swedish social model and welfare state is social democratic politics and its values that are still significant and popular nowadays. Its operative social policy and active labour market actions influence the efficiency of unemployed persons’ integration process and determines the low rate of unemployment. This Master’s research work is significant in all EU, as the research field is relevant. Social policy is wide developed in Sweden, whereas it is in the initial stage period in EU. The country already succeeded in EU Lisbon Social Policy Agenda employment goals for 2010. A great while the unemployment rate was less than in other EU member countries. Sweden is the all-purpose state, where the economic growth, the pursuit of complete employment, the reduction of unemployed persons’ number are combined together with thorough citizens’ social security. And there is a lack of elements of welfare state in Lithuania and other EU countries.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study traces the development of the welfare state in Mauritius and South Africa from the early 1900s until the present, with specific reference made to the non-contributory old-age pension scheme. It seeks to understand the intersections between big capital, the state and broad-based social forces in heralding different welfare outcomes in the two countries. Mauritius has retained its long-standing traditions as a social democratic welfare state stretching back to the late 1950s. In contrast, the current welfare model of South Africa continues to be the embodiment of the liberal welfare state, similar to that of the ancien regime set up in 1928, even though it has maintained a generous social grants system since the advent of democracy in 1994. As a result it is important to unravel patterns of historical evolution that are responsible for different welfare outcomes in seemingly identical socio-political contexts. Similarly, it is important to scratch below the surface of these historical patterns of evolution to account for these disparate welfare frameworks which, nonetheless, exhibit identical outcomes in the social security sector in terms of their unfaltering commitment to old-age pensions. To this end the dissertation employs the comparative historical analysis approach in a bid to draw cross-national parallels between the social processes that unfolded and consequently underpinned development paradigms over time. This study suggests that accounting for the divergent policy outcomes is the disproportionate powers being wielded by neoliberal market forces within the main arteries of the South African economy, which hindered the state from defining the policy direction of its welfare framework to dovetail with expansive social reforms. This restraint was compounded by the left as a 'labour aristocracy', whose alliance with the political ruling class compromised their ability to champion the pro-poor agenda with as much vigour as they would have if they had pursued an independent course. This is a far cry from the welfare trajectory of Mauritius, in which a mutual understanding between the state, cross-class movements and capitalist market forces bridged contesting class interests by reconciling market economics with social fundamentals. Unlike in South Africa, the independence of the working classes in Mauritius – whose mobilising traditions cut across the class spectrum – has added special impetus to the social reform movement, having served as the bulwark against welfare retrenchments and/or less egalitarian reforms in the past. That the universal pension scheme and the state’s commitment to the pro-poor cause remain intact in Mauritius is a result of these pro-active class contestations. On the other hand, the absence of the balance of power struck between social actors and the economic élite in South Africa propelled a class compromise that allowed for the dominance of pensions to come at the cost of extensive social reforms. Such outcomes would not have come into effect in South Africa had the playing field for all relevant stakeholders been level, as in Mauritius. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie volg die ontwikkeling van die welsynstaat in Mauritius en in Suid-Afrika vanaf die vroeë 1900’s tot op hede, met spesifieke verwysing na die nie-bydraende ouderdomspensioenskema. Dit poog om die snypunte tussen groot kapitaal, die staat en breë-basis maatskaplike kragte wat gelei het tot verskillende welsynuitkomstes in die twee lande te begryp. Mauritius het sy langdurige tradisie as ’n sosiale demokratiese welsynstaat, wat sedert die 1950’s bestaan, behou. In kontras gaan die huidige welsynmodel in Suid-Afrika voort as die beliggaming van die liberale welsynstaat, soortgelyk aan die ancien regime wat in 1928 ingestel is, selfs al het dit ’n vrygewige stelsel van maatskaplike toelae sedert die vestiging van demokrasie in 1994 onderhou. As gevolg hiervan is dit belangrik om die patrone van historiese evolusie te ontsyfer wat verantwoordelik is vir verskillende welsynuitkomstes in blykbaar identiese sosiaal-politiese kontekste. Eweneens is dit belangrik om onder die oppervlak van hierdie historiese patrone van evolusie te krap om hierdie uiteenlopende welsynraamwerke te verklaar wat nietemin identiese uitkomstes in die maatskaplike sekuriteitsektor vertoon in terme van hulle onwrikbare verbondenheid tot ouderdomspensioene. Ten einde dit te bereik gebruik hierdie proefskrif die benadering van vergelykende historiese analise in ’n poging om dwarsliggende nasionale ooreenstemmings te vind tussen die maatskaplike prosesse wat gelei het tot die skep van ontwikkelingsparadigmas oor tyd en hulle gevolglik onderskraag het. Hierdie studie stel voor dat die verklaring vir die uiteenlopende beleidsuitkomstes berus in die ongelyke magte wat binne die belangrikste kanale van die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie deur neoliberale markkragte beheer word, wat die staat daarvan weerhou het om ’n beleidsrigting vir sy welsynraamwerk te definieer wat by die breedvoerige maatskaplike hervormings pas. Hierdie remming word vererger deur die linkersy as ’n ‘arbeidsadelstand’, wie se alliansie met die politieke regerende klas hulle vermoë gekompromitteer het om die pro-arm agenda met soveel lewenskrag voor te staan as wat dit moontlik sou gewees het as hulle ’n onafhanklike koers ingeslaan het. Hierdie verskil hemelsbreed van die welsyntrajek in Mauritius, waar ’n wedersydse begrip tussen die staat, bewegings wat klas oorskry, en kapitalistiese markkragte kompeterende klasbelange oorbrug het deur die markekonomie met maatskaplike grondbeginsels te rekonsilieer. Anders as in Suid-Afrika het die onafhanklikheid van die werkersklas in Mauritius – wat se mobiliserende tradisies oor die klasspektrum heen sny – besondere impetus gevoeg by die maatskaplike hervormingsbeweging, aangesien dit gedien het as verskansing teen welsyninkortings en/of minder gelykmakende hervormings in die verlede. Dat die universele pensioenskema en die staat se verbondenheid tot die pro-arm saak in Mauritius onaangetas bly, is as gevolg van hierdie proaktiewe klasstryd. Andersins het die afwesigheid van ’n magsbalans tussen maatskaplike akteurs en die ekonomiese elite in Suid-Afrika gelei tot ’n klaskompromis, wat toegelaat het dat die oorheersing van pensioene gekom het ten koste van breedvoerige maatskaplike hervormings. Sulke uitkomstes sou nie in Suid-Afrika ingetree het nie as die speelveld vir al die relevante belanghebbers gelyk was, soos in Mauritius.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Efren Fernandez Pousa Junior.pdf: 3943998 bytes, checksum: ae4cd692b152e41a7ec74a67f8deeb40 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-21 / This dissertation analyzes the issue of social protection of the residents on the street (MSR) considering the possibility of social reintegration and recovery of citizenship of these individuals. Then see how the determinations social, economic, political and cultural, within the contemporary neo-liberal influence in the redefinition of their exclusion. These reflections made on social issues directly involve the idea of breaking what we call a cycle of isolation, lack of formalized production and accumulation of goods and labor. Seeks to deepen the changes in the pattern of coping with the state of poverty, inequality and exclusion, increased by studies on the actions the Federal Constitution of 1988 (social rights and public policies with universalist vision) and other laws under the Constitution, along with an even intense social action organizations (identified in this context, today, quite active early references on poverty in Brazil: a structured ideas of charity and mercy, especially the Catholic Church, in actions that lend themselves to a clear state Social Welfare) Social and Public Policy (now embodied in policies focused in particular on the federal level). It addresses also issues inherently accustomed to civic participation and the attitude of social movements, such as institutional mechanisms to ensure founding principles of freedom and implementing constitutional social rights. It appears, finally, in terms of national analysis, mapping of poverty, inequality and exclusion (2003), drawn from broader concepts of research, showing limitations, advantages and benefits in terms of range of the most reliable real needs social. / Esta dissertação analisa a questão da proteção social dos moradores em situação de rua (MSR) considerando a possibilidade de reinserção social e resgate da cidadania destes indivíduos. Observa, pois, como as determinações sociais, econômicas, políticas e culturais, dentro da contemporaneidade neoliberal, influenciam na ressignificação de sua exclusão. As reflexões aqui feitas sobre as questões sociais envolvem diretamente a idéia de rompimento daquilo a que denominamos por ciclo de isolamento, formalizado por ausência de produção/acumulação de bens e trabalho. Procura se aprofundar nas alterações ocorridas no padrão de enfrentamento do Estado sobre pobreza, desigualdade e exclusão, fulcrando estudos nas ações insculpidas na Constituição Federal de 1.988 (direitos sociais e políticas públicas com visão universalista) e demais legislações infraconstitucionais afeitas, ao lado de, uma ainda intensa, ação social civil (dentro deste contexto identificamos, ainda hoje, de maneira bastante ativa as referências iniciais sobre a pobreza no Brasil: um ideário estruturado na caridade e misericórdia, em especial da Igreja Católica, em ações que se coadunam com um claro Estado de Bem-Estar Social) e de Políticas Públicas Sociais (hoje materializadas em políticas focalizadas, em especial, em nível federal). Abordam-se, também, questões intrinsecamente afeitas à participação civil e à postura dos movimentos sociais, como mecanismos institucionais que garantam princípios fundantes de liberdade e implementadores dos direitos sociais constitucionais. Apresenta-se, por fim, em termos de análise nacional, o mapeamento da pobreza, desigualdade e exclusão (2003), elaborado a partir de conceitos mais abrangentes de pesquisa, mostrando limitações, vantagens e benefícios em termos de um alcance mais fidedigno das verdadeiras necessidades sociais.

This report provides an extensive overview of the history of the Swedish pension system. Starting with the implementation of the world's first universal public pension system in 1913, the report discusses the political as well as the economic background to each major public pension reform up until today. It presents the rules and the institutional details of these reforms and discuss their implications for retirement behavior, the general state of the economy and the political environment. Parallel to the development of the public pension system, a comprehensive and quite complex occupational pension system has emerged. This report describes the historical background and the institutional details of the four largest agreement-based occupational pension schemes in Sweden.

Tyrime nagrinėjamas postkomunistinis palikimas šalyje ir jo įtaka Skandinaviško socialdemokratinio modelio gerovės valstybės kūrimo politikai. Prieš du dešimtmečius iš Sovietų Sąjungos išsivadavusios valstybės, taip pat ir Lietuva, dabar susiduria su naujais iššūkiais - gebėjimu kurti gerovę savo valstybės piliečiams. Taigi, pagrindinė šiame tyrime iškelta problema - postkomunistinėse valstybėse atsisakius sovietinio socialinio politikos modelio iki šiol nebuvo sukurta ir įdiegta optimali socialinės apsaugos alternatyva, kuri pilnai atitiktų transformacijos metų realijas. Kadangi komunistinės sistemos prisiminimai įtakoja visuomenės tolesnius lūkesčius, tyrimo objektas darbe išskirtas kaip Lietuvos gerovės valstybės politika. Šio magistro darbo tyrimo tikslas – ištirti, kaip postkomunistinės transformacijos ir likęs sovietinis palikimas įtakojo Lietuvos politiką kuriant socialinės gerovės valstybę pateikiant Skandinavijos šalių pavyzdį. Šiam tikslui įgyvendinti buvo iškelti tokie uždaviniai: Aptarti postkomunistinės erdvės bruožus ir transformacijų pradžią valstybės valdžioje; Aprašyti svarbiausius postkomunistinių transformacijų visuomenėje procesus; Pateikti socialinės gerovės valstybės Skandinavijos modelio pagrindinius ypatumus; Ištirti, kaip Lietuvoje po Nepriklausomybės atgavimo buvo kuriama socialinės gerovės sistema; Išanalizuoti, kaip sovietinis palikimas Lietuvoje trukdo kurti socialinės gerovės valstybę taikant Skandinavijos socialdemokratinį modelį. Siekiant... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / This search contains post-communism countries transitions to democracy and heritage that was left after that in society. Now in Lithuania some problems are seen that makes influence to Scandinavian model welfare state building processes. First of all, the main aim of this paper: post-communist countries didn’t found till now the most optimal and advantageous welfare state model. The main reason is that communism system recollection has influence on society expectations in Lithuania welfare state policy. So, the key object of this paper is Lithuania welfare state policy after rapid reforms. Secondly, the main problems are: to reveal post-communism transformations heritage; to give Scandinavia welfare state model as an example; to discuss Lithuania legitimate basis on welfare state policy; to analyze if this model could be applied in post-communist Lithuania. Welfare state model in Scandinavia contains strong labor market, solid economy and generous welfare spending. The results of analyze shows, that welfare state won’t be built in Lithuania unless people will start to care about all society well-being, not only individual and most of the time – material. Statistic data of searches or interviews how people grades well-being shows, that Lithuania is far more lagging behind Scandinavia and Europe average level. So, in order to make welfare state policy successful society needs to get more solidarity, which was impossible in communism. Moreover, Lithuania economy needs to get... [to full text]

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Jan. 9, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 300-330).

National identity has in a growing field of literature been proposed as a possible tool which, if manipulated, can be used to construct institutions of social justice and particularly a redistributive welfare state. In contrast, decades of welfare state research is largely in consensus that redistributive welfare states were created in response to societal issues such as poverty, emigration and declining fertility rates. In arguing that a redistributive welfare state cannot be treated as dependent on national identity, this study constructs an analytical framework combining literature from welfare state research, institutionalism, and political psychology to argue that welfare state generosity is a determinant of national identity. The study distinguishes and investigates three dimensions of national identity – national attachment, national pride, and national chauvinism – and explores their relationship to welfare generosity. Employing multilevel modelling, the study finds a positive but not statistically significant relationship between welfare generosity and national attachment. Welfare generosity is, further, found to have a negative and statistically significant relationship to both national pride and national chauvinism.

The purpose of this thesis is to study how the Swedish welfare state formulated a question of shorter work hours, 1919—2002. During the 1900s, several official reports were published in order to produce knowledge about this issue and construct a manageable inquiry about shorter work hours. The aim of this thesis is to examine what were formulated as problems and solutions and which arguments and beliefs emerged from these formulations. Official state reports are regarded as instruments of knowledge production by the state. This intelligence was required to justify the possibility and desirability of the reform that shaped the question of shorter work hours in the welfare state.   The aim of the official reports was to create knowledge, which determined the value of working time reduction. Leisure as welfare meant that the state interpreted the citizens’ needs and formulated working-time reduction as either a possible or impossible reform. Working hours have never been justified as a reform that simply gives more leisure and less time for work. The reform was instead considered possible and desirable because it was interpreted as helping to reproduce the labour force or capitalism as a whole. It was thought impossible and undesirable when considered to be a threat to this reproduction.   However, there were two major reformulations of the question of shorter work. In the middle of the selected period, the matter moved from the sphere of production to a consumption sphere, meaning that the issue became less conflicted. The state’s responsibility to push the reform was deemphasized. Another reformulation is when flexibility was formulated as a solution, and thus made regulation of working time undesirable and unnecessary. This study shows how the conception of a question of shorter work hours was a process requiring formulations and reformulations and how these expressions fundamentally changed over time, although the basic premises remained.

Immigration and its impact on aggregate welfare state preferences and welfare state reform has been the subject of numerous academic and political debates. Despite prolonged attention to these issues, however, empirical research has yielded mixed results concerning what effect, if any, immigration has the structure and generosity of the welfare state. This issue is further exacerbated by the absence of concerted conceptual cross-germination between the various theoretical literatures that examine immigration's effect on various social, economic, and political outcomes, making it difficult to identify the mechanisms through which immigration may shape the welfare state. To address these issues, I draw on social psychological research, theories of the welfare state, research on radical right-wing parties, and case studies from the United States to argue that changes in both the volume and characteristics of immigrants entering Western Europe might: 1) undermine the cross-class alliances necessary for maintaining the welfare state, 2) reduce public support for welfare programs, and 3) provide politicians on the far-right with a symbolic resource that can be used to justify cutting/restructuring welfare state programs believed to benefit immigrants. Empirical examinations of these arguments using a wide range of data sources indicate that immigration may be directly and indirectly related to welfare state spending. With regard to the former, the data indicate that the influx of migrants from less-developed countries into social and Christian democratic countries has contributed to rising program demand and corresponding increases in expenditures on more reactive welfare state programs (i.e., unemployment benefits). With regard to the indirect impact of immigration on the welfare state, analyses of voting and public opinion data demonstrate that changes in immigration have contributed to the electoral success of predominantly neoliberal, far-right, nationalist parties and contributed to rising levels of anti-immigrant sentiment over time. These factors, in turn, resulted in: 1) declines in popular support for those social and Christian democratic parties that are dedicated to the maintenance and/or expansion of the welfare state, and 2) reductions in average levels of support for welfare state programs designed to address issues of unemployment, making the welfare state more vulnerable to future retrenchment.