In an economically developing world, the process of modernization has been proven to change people’s cultural and political values. Political scientists Ronald Inglehart and Christian Wetzel’s revised theory of modernization shows evidence that people’s political and cultural values move along two dimensions in a predictable pattern. Economic development shift people’s values from traditional and survival toward more secular-rational and self- expressive. This rise in post-material values has unknown effects on people’s mental health. Using Esping-Andersen’s theory on welfare state regimes the aim of this study is to both examine what effect post-material values have on mental health and, furthermore, if this effect plays out differently in different welfare state regimes. This was done using regression analysis based on data from a large number of countries from all over the world. The results of the analysis show that a rise in post-material values is positively correlated with worse mental health. But when welfare state regimes were brought into the model the relationship between post-material values and mental health did not stay the same but varied in its effect across the different regimes. The conservative welfare state regime stood out as the regime in which post-material values generated the worst mental health. On the whole, results indicate that the relationship between post-material values, welfare state regimes and mental health is a very complex relationship that is in need of further examination.

The paper studies class inequalities in health over the ageing process in a comparative perspective. It investigates if health inequalities among the elderly vary between European welfare state regimes, and if this variation is age-dependent. Previous comparative research on health inequalities have largely failed to take age and ageing into account, and have not investigated whether cross-country variation in health inequalities might differ for different age categories. Since the elderly belong to the demographic category most dependent on welfare policies, an ageing perspective is warranted. The study combines fives data rounds (2002 to 2010) from the European Social Survey. Multilevel techniques are used, and the analysis is stratified by age, comparing the 50-64 year olds with those aged 65-80 years. Health is measured by self-assessed general health and disability status. Two results stand out. First, class differences in health are strongly reduced or vanish completely for the 65-80 year olds in the Social democratic welfare states, while they remain stable or are in some cases even intensified in almost all other welfare states. Second, the cross-country variation in health inequalities is much larger for the oldest (aged 65-80 years) than is the case for the 50-64 year olds. It is concluded that welfare policies seem to influence the magnitude of health inequalities, and that the importance of welfare state context is greater for the elderly, who are more fragile and more reliant on welfare policies such as public pensions and elderly care.

In recent years, the numbers of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children (UASC) arriving to Europe have drastically increased. Due to delays in the asylum procedure, many UASC have turned 18 years old before the asylum procedure has ended. These adolescents need access to welfare services but they often lose several social rights when they reach adulthood. In this light, I have investigated the social rights of UASC who have reached the age of majority by using Esping-Andersen’s theory of welfare state regimes. I find that the social rights of this group vary between Germany, the conservative welfare state regime, and Sweden, the social democratic welfare state regime. However, in both of the countries, this group in general have limited access to welfare services. This is problematic since social rights are crucial for incorporation in the society. The findings are in several ways in line with the main characteristics in the two regimes but in order to fully understand what determines the social rights of UASC who have reached the age of majority further research is needed.

This thesis aim to investigate the living conditions among marginalized habitants of suburbs in the Swedish welfare state. To approach an understanding of the complexity of marginalized urban areas, this thesis focus on studying the Stockholm suburb Husby in a context of the May riots 2013. The research method used is qualitative interviews with seven informants, who have a connection to the Husby area. The theories applied to the empirical material is Gösta Esping-Andersens theory on welfare state regimes and Loïc Wacquants theory on advanced marginality, also known as “The new urban poverty”. By observing the complexity of the Husby riots in a contextual aspect of the Swedish welfare state and the living situation in Husby, the analysis has shown that the Swedish welfare model is going through a changing process. This process means a shift from a social democratic welfare model towards a more liberal regime, with an increased privatization of public welfare and a focus on individual responsibility regarding the citizens own living conditions. Husby as an area is characterized by a low socioeconomic status, a high level of unemployment and poor school results. The growing market and the increasing focus on individual responsibility regarding decent living conditions, has excluded large groups of economically vulnerable habitants of Husby. Hereby, the welfare state has decreased its earlier caretaking of its citizens, and the changing welfare state has shaped a marginality in urban areas. / Denna studie syftar till att undersöka livsvillkoren bland marginaliserade förortsbor i den svenska välfärdsstaten. För att uppnå en förståelse av denna komplexitet, fokuserar arbetet på Stockholmsförorten Husby i en kontext av de upplopp som ägde rum i maj 2013. Undersökningsmetoden är kvalitativa intervjuer med sju informanter. Samtliga har en koppling till Husbyområdet. Teorierna som appliceras på det empiriska materialet är Gösta Esping-Andersens teori om välfärdsstatsregimer samt Loïc Wacquants teori om avancerad marginalisering, även kallad ”Den nya urbana fattigdomen”. Analysen visar att den svenska välfärden genomgår en förändring. Denna förändring innebär en transformering från en socialdemokratisk modell mot en liberal regim, med en ökad privatisering av allmän välfärd samt ett fokus på individens eget ansvar i fråga om dess levnadsstandard. Husbyområdet präglas av en låg socioekonomisk status, en hög nivå av arbetslöshet samt dåliga skolresultat. Den växande marknaden har exkluderat stora grupper av ekonomiskt utsatta invånare i Husby. Välfärdsstaten har därmed minskat sitt tidigare omhändertagande av medborgarna, och denna förändring har skapat och format en marginalisering i urbana områden.

The study sought to uncover the constitution of migrant women's agency as they rebuild their lives in Australia, and to explore how contact with any publicly funded services might influence the capacity to be self determining subjects. The thesis used a framework of lifeworld theories (Bourdieu, Schutz, Giddens), materialist, trans-national feminist and post colonial writings, and a methodological approach based on critical hermeneutics (Ricoeur), feminist standpoint and decolonising theories. Thirty in depth interviews were carried out with 6 women migrating from each of 5 regions: Vietnam, Lebanon, the Horn of Africa, the former Soviet Union and the Philippines. Australian based immigration literature constituted the third corner of triangulation. The interviews were carried out through an exploration of themes format, eliciting data about the different ontological and epistemological assumptions of the cultures of origin. The findings revealed not only the women's remarkable tenacity and resilience as creative agents, but also the indispensability of Australia's publicly funded infrastructure or welfare state. The women were mostly privileged in terms of class, education and affirming relationships with males. Nevertheless, their self determination depended on contact with universal public policies, programs and with local community services. The welfare state seems to be modernity's means for re-establishing human connectedness that is the crux of the human condition. Connecting with fellow Australians in friendships and neighbourliness was also important in resettlement. Conclusions include a policy discussion in agreement with Australian and international scholars proposing that there is no alternative but for governments to invest in a welfare state for the civil societies and knowledge based economies of the 21st Century.

As demographic and economic contexts have shifted, the need for pension systems to reform has increased. Often, however, these systems have proved difficult to change – especially in continental Europe. Despite this, Germany, by many considered particularly reform resistant, succeeded in reforming its pension system; while France, with its strong executive power, has not. As research has yet to find a consensus on what factors makes welfare retrenchment possible, this field requires more attention. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the developments of the German and French pension systems, from 1990-2010, and to unearth what factors made successful reform possible in Germany while it failed in France. Using a comparative case study, all major pension reforms in the two countries during the time period, are analysed from four institutionalist perspectives. The results point to three main factors explaining Germany’s successful reform. Firstly, the shock brought on by the reunification of East and West Germany forced politicians to act. France on the other hand, experienced no such shock. Secondly, the subduing of the unions removed the main veto player against reform. In contrast, the French unions, whose political power lies in their ability to call for manifestations and shift public opinion, could not be outflanked. Lastly, the new liberal ideas that permeated German politics around the turn of the century provided a locus for change that was lacking in France. These results suggest the importance of external pressure, veto players and ideational factors to major welfare reform.