The nineteenth century is a period, when great transformations were experienced in the Ottoman Empire. Besides the political, economical and judicial changes, with the impact of the westernization process, important leaps about two important components of cultural life, museology and archeology, were realized in terms of both collecting and protecting the ancient monuments / and their exposition. As two interrelated fields of culture and sciences originated from Europe, museology and archeology were incorporated in the cultural life of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century. The Ottoman Empire was acquainted with these two scientific fields through the impacts of both the museological studies in Europe and the excavations of the foreign researchers and archeologists, conducted within the imperial territories. This study aims to observe the emergence of museological and archeological studies in the Ottoman Empire and its development by the impacts of the West. In this study, the origins of the museological and archeological studies, the first attempts in the Ottoman Empire and the development in the continuing process and the judicial acts about the mentioned fields composed in the 19th century are examined chronologically. In this process of development, the works of Osman Hamdi Bey were forming an important part of this thesis.

Through this thesis, the perception of humanist culture and history in the Early Republican Turkey is examined in the context of the process of building national identity. The main assumption of this study is that humanism that ascends to being the main axe of official cultural policies and predominant cultural and intellectual movement of the period between 1938 and 1950 provide basis for building of national imagined community through its historical and territorial emphasis as a &ldquo / civilizationist nationalist&rdquo / fabrication. Humanism is a project of a &ldquo / returning to essence&rdquo / which is cultural and civilization-based. Besides, it constructs national identity and culture with a Westernist-universalist approach. The perception of humanism is brought to agenda within the framework of some ruptures and continuities which in the sphere of nationalism and cultural policies. In this sense, it means construction of a &ldquo / new imagination&rdquo / complying with the requirements and priorities of the new regime with v its political and cultural tendencies. Therefore, humanism not only reinforced the emphasis of Turkish History Thesis on Anatolia but also ceases the Central Asianist and ethnicist tendencies of Turkish History Thesis. Therefore, as the territorial basis of the national identity, it embraces cultural heritage of Anatolia including the Classical and Byzantium Ages. In this way, humanism is forged as a patriotism that underlines western civilization and territorial bonds. In this thesis, the perception of humanism is analyzed from a viewpoint of the interactions of culture and politics. In this respect, perception of humanism addressed within a binary perspective. While art, philology and translation are in the first part, history and archaeology studies are in the second part. In this sense, it is presented three prominent intellectuals which are concerned with numerous fields of the perception of humanism: Hasan-&Acirc / li Y&uuml / cel, Hilmi Ziya &Uuml / lken and Arif M&uuml / fit Mansel. At this point, the dissertation elaborates how these intellectuals reconstitute the relations among the categories like peculiarity, nativity, civilization and universality. Furthermore, while analyzing, it indicates that the contradictions and semantic shifts are located in the definitions and characterizations of these humanist intellectuals, especially concerned about West and nationality.

This thesis aims at defining and analyzing the positions of Kemalism and Islamism about the relationship between the European Union and Turkey, with respect to identity and political reform. The study is conducted by the usage of academic literature and examples of the writings of intellectuals from both positions / in order to analyze their discourses on the issue.With respect to the political dimension of EU - Turkey relations, the problems and EU demands on democracy, human rights, minority rights - with emphasis on the Kurdish problem - and Cyprus are explained. The viewpoint and discourses of the two positions on these issues are discussed in relation to their historical attitudes towards the West and the EU.

This study interrogates whose knowledge about the self and the other is represented to Iranian students in the 2004 and in selected pre-2004 editions of elementary and guidance school textbooks by analyzing how issues of identity politics, diversity, “citizenship” and development inform the construction of Iranian national identity since the introduction of various curriculum reforms (i.e.: global education) after the Revolution of 1978-79. I draw upon antiracism and transnationalism as discourses of analysis through which the West-East dichotomy is (re)evaluated and interrogated within the context of Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism and Boroujerdi’s (1996) conceptualization of “Orientalism in reverse”. I utilize deconstruction, discourse and qualitative interpretative content analyses as methods of investigating how “race”, ethnicity, social class and gender are configured in representations of sameness and difference. I “look at style, figures of speech, settings, narrative devices, historical and social circumstances, not the correctness of the representation nor its fidelity to some great original” (Said, 1978, p. 28). I argue that the ideal citizen and Iranian national identity are constructed by references to conflicting discourses of mustāżafīn (the oppressed), jīhād-i sūzandagī (the Reconstruction Jīhād), ‘ashayir (nomadic tribes), Ummat-i Islamī (Islamic Nation/Community), Īrān-dūstī (loving Iran), the Aryan migration, velayat-e-faqih and colonialism. In their discursive formations, nationalist, anti-imperialist, Islamic, middle-class and Orientalist narratives construct a homogenized Iranian citizenry who has always been active in regional/global relations of power. The ideal citizen is represented through the invocation of two types/sets of “shifting collectivities” that identify it as “white”, male, Shi’a, Aryan-Pars, progressive, independent, pious and a leader in the Islamic world. The first set divides between Shi’a-Persians and non-Shi’a and non-Persians. The second set of binary oppositions represents the ideal citizen in relation and in opposition to the West and the East in their multiple and historical forms. These textbooks are assimilationist texts that act as “border patrolling” and “stignatizing” discourses. They are also forms of “textual genocide” that exclude the voices and histories of national and global minorities and acts of discrimination committed by Iranians against women and minority religious and ethnic groups as official knowledge about friendly/enemy insiders and outsiders.

L’Inde britannique fut la scène d’importantes réformes ciblant les pratiques économiques, juridiques, sociales, religieuses, culturelles, éducatives et journalistiques des Indiens. Dans cette thèse, il s’agit de repenser les réformes whigs menées entre 1830, date à laquelle les Whigs dominèrent de nouveau le Parlement, et 1857, date à laquelle la domination britannique de l’Inde fut considérablement bouleversée par une révolte sans précédent. Les réformistes whigs avaient certainement anglicisé les autochtones mais n’avaient pas réussi à les occidentaliser. Il s’est avéré que la majorité des Indiens avaient bien résisté aux tentatives de conversions dirigées par des évangélistes en préservant leurs religions, en défendant leurs traditions et en ravivant leur culture. Le gouvernement colonial de la Compagnie avait bien modernisé l’éducation indienne, introduit les chemins de fer, bâti des ponts, fourni de nouveaux moyens de communication comme le télégraphe et amélioré l’infrastructure, mais c’était plutôt pour faciliter ses propres échanges commerciaux et pour protéger les intérêts économiques et stratégiques de l’Empire britannique par le biais d’une armée redoutable. Une fois les intellectuels instruits à l’anglaise avaient réalisé la discrimination et l’indifférence des Britanniques à leur égard, ils entamèrent leur réaction politisée et leur long combat pour obtenir l’indépendance de leur pays. Les réformes whigs avaient échoué et ne permirent pas aux Indiens d’atteindre le progrès promis, ce qui engendra un conflit culturel profond, aggravant les différences existantes entre la colonie et l’Empire. / British India was the scene of large-scale Whig reforms regarding the economic, judicial, social, religious, cultural, educational and press practices of native Indians. This thesis is rethinking major Whig reforms from 1830, when a Whig majority was back in Parliament, to 1857, when the British rule in India through the East India Company was markedly shaken by an unprecedented revolt. Whig reformers anglicised their native subjects but could not westernize them. Most Indians proved to be resilient enough to preserve their religions, maintain their traditions and revive their culture rather than surrender to the Evangelicals’ plans to convert them into Christianity. The Indian Government of the East India Company definitely modernised Indian education, introduced railroads, built bridges, provided telegraph for better communication and improved infrastructure, but it was more for facilitating its own trade exchanges and protecting the economic and strategic interests of the British Empire as a whole relying on its powerful army. Once the anglicised Indian intellectuals experienced British discrimination and indifference, they started their politicised reaction and headed towards independence. Whig reforms failed to bring about the promised progress for Indians and resulted in a profound cultural and colonial conflict sharpening the differences between the colony and the Empire.

A expansão da cidade de Nampula produz uma realidade a partir da qual se pode construir um entendimento sobre as tendências da urbanização em Moçambique. A reflexão apresentada expõe a urbanização em Moçambique como momento da ocidentalização e como processo que produz uma realidade urbana específica que contempla a ruralidade; especificidade explicada a partir das contradições produzidas pela: ocidentalização que procura produzir um espaço que reproduz o modo de vida determinado pela industrialização e; pela persistência do modo de vida, derivado das sociedades africanas pré-coloniais, cuja reprodução apóia-se sobre o sistema de linhagem. A coexistência dos dois modos de vida é organizada e controlada pelo Estado centralizador num movimento de reprodução da sua hegemonia sobre o espaço. O resultado é um espaço diferencial produto da urbanização desigual. Nesse contexto, a paisagem da cidade de Nampula revela as desigualdades entre áreas onde o espaço construído tem características das cidades ocidentais concebidas durante a colonização portuguesa e aquelas áreas onde a urbanidade é incipiente pela ausência ou deficiência de serviços e infra-estruturas urbanos. A explicação da urbanização desigual passa pelo entendimento da contradição transformação/persistência dos conteúdos do urbano. A especificidade do urbano em Nampula ainda é explicada pela simultaneidade de diferentes lógicas das relações sociais monetarizadas (capitalista); centrada na solidariedade e integração comunitária (do grupo domiciliar) e; da reprodução das elites no poder (do Estado). Essas lógicas determinam a coexistência de diferentes modos de acesso à habitação e ao solo urbano e, através das desigualdades de renda, produzem um espaço urbano diferencial. / The expansion of Nampula city produces a reality from which it is possible to construct an understanding about the urbanization tendencies in Mozambique. The reflection presented exposes the urbanization in Mozambique as a moment of westernization as well as a process that produces a specific urban reality which contemplates the rural life; specificity explained from the contradictions produced by: the westernization that seeks to produce a space which reproduces the life style determined by the process of industrialization and; the persistency of the life style derived from pre-colonial African societies reproduction of which is based upon the lineage system. The coexistence of the two kinds of life style is organized and controlled by centralized State into a movement of its reproduction hegemony upon space. The result is a differential space as a product of unequal urbanization. In that context the landscape of Nampula city reveals the inequalities between areas where the constructed space has western cities shape conceived during the Portuguese colonization and that areas where the urbanity is incipient by the absence or deficiency of urban services and infrastructures. The explanation of the unequal urbanization passes through the understanding of the contradiction transformation/persistency of the urban contents. The specificity of the urban (reality) in Nampula is still explained by the simultaneity of different logics of the social relations mediated by money (capitalist); centred in communitarian solidarity and integration (of the domicile group) and; of the reproduction of the elite on the power (of State). Those logics determine the coexistence of different access ways to the habitation and urban land and, through the rent inequalities they reproduce a differential urban space.

O Japão de meados do século XX apresentava um contexto em que influências advindas do ocidente desde a abertura dos portos mesclavam-se à tradição japonesa. Nesse contexto viviam as irmãs Makioka, personagens centrais do romance de Junichiro Tanizaki e objeto principal da presente pesquisa. Por meio da figura de cada uma delas temos acesso ao modo como essas influências adentraram no dia a dia de parte da sociedade japonesa, mais especificamente da família Makioka, tradicional da região de Osaka, e seu círculo social. Para desenvolver esse estudo, faremos a contextualização do período vivido pelo autor e pelas personagens por ele criadas, bem como de que maneira os acontecimentos tiveram participação na formação das mesmas. Também será feita uma análise das personagens secundárias a fim de ampliar a visão acerca das principais. E, finalmente, de acordo com conceitos a respeito da construção de personagem, faremos um estudo das quatro irmãs, levando em consideração aquilo que estava mais na superfície, acessível num primeiro olhar, além dos elementos que compunham o modo de ser de cada uma delas, com as amálgamas e sobreposições resultantes do período. / Japan in the mid-twentieth century displayed a context which influences brought from western culture since the opening of the ports blended to Japanese tradition. The Makioka sisters, central characters of the novel by Junichiro Tanizaki and main subject of this research, lived in this cultural context. Through each one of these characters, we can access the way these influences entered everyday life of part of Japanese society, especially Makioka, a traditional family from Osaka area and their social circle. For the purpose of this study, we will contextualize the period lived by the author and his created characters, as well as how events contributed for their construction. The secondary characters also will be analyzed in order to amplify the view about the main characters. Finally, according to concepts about literary character construction, we will study the four sisters, considering what relies on the surface, accessible at first glance, such as elements that create the profile of each one of them, alongside amalgams and overlaps resulting from this period.

The full abstract for this thesis is available in the body of the thesis, and will be available when the embargo expires. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This diploma thesis deals with the veiling issue in Turkey. The first theoretical part is trying to map out the issues with an emphasis on the diverse interpretations and perceptions of the scarf / hijab. The work perceives the scarf as a symbol which represents more than just the Islamic religion. These multiple interpretations were caused primarily by the historical development of the country, especially the specific modernization process of Turkey which has been linked to the process of westernization. Mainly because of this the headscarf was for many years regarded as something obsolete, unfashionable. Many people perceived the scarf as something that does not belong in modern Turkey. This situation had affect the veilling issue a lot. Women were prohibited by law to wear a scarf in public areas. For this reason the work shows this issue also in the historical context which goes back to the 19th century - to the Ottoman Empire. The second part comprises the empirical part is devoted to qualitative research. For the purpose of this work interviews with Turkish university students were carried out which focused on their motivation of covering or not covering and other phenomena associated with this topic. Interviews were conducted both with veiled, and with unveiled girls because of the...

This essay investigates the role of non-governmental organizations in Turkey that work with minority rights. The purpose of this study is to get a better understanding on how domestic NGOs understand and prioritize human rights and how different social structures are restricting NGOs from engaging in human rights of the Kurdish minority. To answer this question this study utilizes a qualitative content analyses of the published research on human rights and NGOs. The analysis has been conducted from a postcolonial perspective. The finding has shown that even if Turkish human right defenders are restricted on how they can work with human rights violations in the society there still is an engagement in trying to work with these social problems. This essay concludes that Kurds have been restricted from working with human rights by means of the Turkish anti-terror law, which may have negatively affected the visibility of Kurdish activist, but not stopped them from engaging in social issues. However, there is still a need for development in the Turkish NGO regime, but the westerniza- tion project may not be the answer for Turkish human right development. This essay argues that the human rights education projects in Turkey should be conducted by domestic NGOs own understanding of human rights and only then there will be potential for real human rights development.