Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1985. / Typescript. "Ndank, ndank, myoy jop gollo ci nyay." eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-127).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio University, August, 2008. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.

The changing nature of today’s wars, shows that civilians have been involved in these wars as both victims and perpetrators. Since these are internal wars, many civilians are often displaced, and they end up becoming refugees. In the midst of all this, women and children suffer most in this transition, with women suffering from sexual violence. In this context of armed conflict, it is observed that women, men, girls and boys experience conflict differently and they also respond differently in times of peacekeeping, peacebuilding and also in post-conflict reconstruction. Women are not only the victims of war; they are also denied full participation in decision-making in areas of peace and security. Furthermore, their vital roles in conflict prevention, conflict resolution, peacekeeping and peacebuilding are rarely acknowledged. The United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 in October 2000, with the theme “Women, Peace and Security”. Although there are other forums that have addressed women in peace and security, there is none that has been more vocal, unanimous and holistic than Resolution 1325. The Resolution recognizes the need for women to be involved in conflict prevention, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction. It also calls for the participation of women in decision making and peace processes. It further calls for the integration of gender perspectives in peacekeeping operations and the protection of women and girls from gender based violence in conflict zones. Resolution 1325 refers to other various previously adopted resolutions and other policies and gives mandates to the different role players like the United Nations, member countries and all parties involved in conflicts. In its efforts to implement the Resolution, the United Nations developed a System-Wide Action Plan for 2005- 2006 which was later reviewed and updated for 2008-2009 with performance indicators, monitoring and accountability procedures. The member states are under the obligation to ensure that the policy on peace and security is incorporated in their national policies. This study has cited Liberia being a country that has emerged from civil war and how the Resolution has been applicable in the reconstruction of that country. Though progress has been recorded in the implementation of the Resolution, there are still gaps and great challenges in the use of the action plans. However, the United Nations entities are working on the revised action plans and their report will only be given in 2010. This study has compared Resolution 1325 with the landmines campaign which has been referred to as the most successful humanitarian advocacy ever in history. There are various lessons learnt from the landmines campaign which could be used for the successful implementation of Resolution 1325. This study has assessed the impact of Resolution 1325 since its adoption to date and found out that there has been little progress. The gender perspective in preventing armed conflict has not made it any easier for women to participate in decision making and peace processes. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2010.

For centuries, women's opinion on matters of peace building were largely ignored. The importance of women's participation in peacebuilding cannot be better expressed than in the United Nations Security Council's Resolution 1325 of 2000. This resolution, which was unanimously adopted by the council, calls for the broad participation of women in peace buildlng and post conflict reconstruction. The primary data aspect of this study was conducted with a diverse group of women based in Durban . Ten women where interviewed with the aim of gathering data about their experiences of peace buildlng and their vision of peace. They viewed their approaches as often distinct from men and believed that the significance of their peace buildlng work is not adequately recognized. What these ten women have in common is courage, tenacity and a long term vision of a world in peace. They view the attainment of peace and a return to normality as everyone's ' responsibility and everyone's concern. Women, men, politicians and religious and civic organizations should be seen as working toqether in buildlng peace. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.

Thesis (M. A.), Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1998. / Bibliography: leaves 226-236.

Thesis (M.A.)--Wake Forest University. Dept. of Religion, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-99).

Our work is a feminist biography of Gabrielle Duchene (1870-1954), feminist activist, unionist, pacifist, antifascist, fellow traveller of the French Communist Party and an innovator as a propagandist. She represents one of the few personalities of the interwar period to symbolize the ideological congruence of these movements and to have tried to find a solution, another way, to the clash of their contradictions. All along her engagement, Gabrielle Duchene will make non-conventional choices. The objective of our research is to analyze her atypical reactions in order to put the multi-marginalization process into context and to understand all the influences in the creation of her amalgamated pacifism. The term 'multi-marginalization' is employed to name the exclusion or mistrust toward Gabrielle Duchene, openly expressed or not, by more than one social or political group. These exclusions generally come from the non-conformist reactions of Gabrielle Duchene. The example of her support to the Feminist Pacifist Congress held at The Hague, in 1915, is revealing: her choice is rejected by the majority of the French bourgeois feminists. What Gabrielle Duchene proposes to transcend the divisions with is her amalgamated pacifism: the fusion of the feminist, pacifist, antifascist (procommunist) principles, allowing to reconcile the points of view and the different methods of action in a common goal. / One of the most important factors of Gabrielle Duchene's activism is the impact of the Russian experience and the communist control on her integral pacifism. From 1927 to 1931, she develops a tinged pacifism, characterized by a change of rhetoric, influenced by the manipulation mechanisms put into place by the communists. As of 1932, she takes part in the antifascist movement, controlled by the communists, without however abandoning her feminist pacifism. The analysis of the different periods of activism of Gabrielle Duchene allows us to consider women's activities, still largely unexplored, in antifascist and communist history, and to demonstrate the convergence between the antifascist and the feminist pacifist movements in the 1930s. Moreover, our research takes a 'gendered' perspective. We use gender as an analytical tool, and not as an analytical category, in order to understand our subject as a sexualized being, whose activist and social experiences are defined by the inequalities resulting from this differentiation.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-05-03T13:11:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Fabiana dos Santos Rocha.pdf: 2288143 bytes, checksum: b3b9d0ee99ef00d6639c29dab36387d3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-05-04T11:47:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Fabiana dos Santos Rocha.pdf: 2288143 bytes, checksum: b3b9d0ee99ef00d6639c29dab36387d3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-04T11:47:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Fabiana dos Santos Rocha.pdf: 2288143 bytes, checksum: b3b9d0ee99ef00d6639c29dab36387d3 (MD5) / CAPES / A pesquisa, de caráter descritivo-analítico, visa analisar como mulheres elaboram e traduzem a formação como ―Mulheres da Paz‖, promovida pelo PRONASCI, Ministério da Justiça, através de um estudo de caso com as mulheres beneficiárias da referida política no bairro de São Cristóvão, Salvador-BA. Para tanto, selecionou-se nove mulheres envolvidas, sendo sete Mulheres da Paz e duas coordenadoras que compuseram as equipes de trabalho dessa política. Dentre as Mulheres da Paz, seis participaram das turmas sediadas no Colégio Municipal de São Cristóvão, por formarem um grupo com bom aproveitamento do curso e também de melhor acesso, dado o contexto de conflitos desencadeados pelo tráfico de drogas na região onde transcorreu a pesquisa; a sétima participou da turma sediada no Colégio Estadual Brigadeiro Eduardo Gomes por se tratar de uma das lideranças e moradoras mais antiga do bairro de São Cristóvão, em virtude, portanto, do conhecimento que acumulava a respeito da história deste bairro. As entrevistas estiveram pautadas em roteiros previamente estabelecidos, padronizados para as Mulheres da Paz e específicos para as duas coordenadoras do projeto Mulheres da Paz. A abordagem passou por um enquadramento social, político e histórico no contexto de administração federal e estadual de esquerda no Brasil. A pesquisa envolve momentos de estranhamento, esquematização, desconstrução de estereótipos preconcebidos, comparação e sistematização do material em modelos alternativos; bem como se desenvolve em torno do conhecimento situado e corporificado, assumindo as perspectivas dos grupos excluídos como dotados de posicionamento político. Considera-se a violência como constitutiva da ordem social. Neste caso, o ―universo do crime‖ compreende uma complexa negociação respaldada em uma série de elementos que o retroalimentam, proliferando estados de violência. Conforme os resultados da pesquisa, o recorte de gênero sobre o fenômeno indica a baixa representatividade das mulheres nos crimes de homicídio por arma de fogo. Ainda ressalta os pressupostos maternalistas assumidos pelo Estado, fixando as mulheres das camadas trabalhadoras como responsáveis pelo cuidado dos jovens público-alvo do PRONASCI. O Estado classificou as mulheres beneficiárias como em situação de ―violência‖, e propôs o seu ―empoderamento‖ através da formação de redes de apoio entre elas. No PRONASCI, a noção de ―empoderamento‖ se restringe à constituição da autoestima do self feminino e na valorização de sua atuação junto à comunidade. O ônus recaído sobre as Mulheres da Paz representa uma face da política brasileira de transferência de responsabilidades para setores da sociedade civil. This is a descriptive - analytic research with the intent to analyze how women prepare and translate the training as " Women of Peace " sponsored by PRONASCI, Ministry of Justice, through a case study with women beneficiaries of the policy, in the neighborhood of São Cristóvão, Salvador - BA . Therefore, we selected nine women involved, seven Women of Peace and two coordinators who were part of the team working this policy. Among Women of Peace, six of them have participated in classes based on the Colégio Municipal de São Cristóvão , forming a group with good performance of the course and also better access, given the context of conflicts triggered by drug trafficking in the region where the research was conducted; the seventh person have participated the group based in State College Brigadeiro Eduardo Gomes for being one of the leaders and is one of the oldest residents district of São Cristóvão, due to accumulated knowledge about the history of this neighborhood. The interviews were guided by previously established maps, standardized for Women of Peace and specifically design for the two coordinators of the project Women of Peace. The approach used here is a framework for social, political and historical context of the federal government and the state of the left policy in Brazil. The research involves moments of strangeness, layout, deconstruction of preconceived stereotypes, comparison and systematization of the material in alternative models, as well as develops around the embodied and situated knowledge, assuming the perspectives of marginalized groups as having political position. Violence is considered as constitutive of social order. In this case, the "world of crime" comprises a complex negotiation backed by a number of elements that feeds back to the crime, proliferating states of violence. The finds in this research points to a gender reading on the phenomenon indicating the low representation of women in crimes of homicide by firearms. Also highlights the material assumptions, assumed by the State, setting the women of the working classes as being responsible for the care of the young, who are the audience PRONASCI. The state ranked women beneficiaries as in a situation of "violence" and proposed their "empowerment" through the formation of support networks. In PRONASCI, the notion of "empowerment" is restricted to the constitution of the female self-esteem and appreciation of their work with the community. The burden fallen on Women Peace represents a face of the Brazilian policy of transferring the responsibilities to civil society sectors.

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