Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Giessen, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 221-243).

Au croisement de l'histoire politique, des études sur le genre et de l'analyse du discours, cette thèse étudie les professions de foi électorales des candidat-e-s à la députation sous la Cinquième République (1958 – 2007). Le corpus, constitué sur la base d'hypothèses de travail relatives au genre en politique, rassemble la quasi-totalité des proclamations électorales des députées et un échantillon raisonné de textes d'hommes rédigés dans des conditions politiques comparables.Acte performatif par excellence, la déclaration de candidature établit les locuteurs et locutrices en personnalités politiques. Le fait-elle de manière contrastée selon le sexe des candidat-e-s ? Comment le genre façonne-t-il les prises de parole politiques et comment est-il façonné par le langage ? Comment se recompose-t-il au gré des douze législatures du régime quinto-républicain ?Pour répondre à ces questions, cette recherche s’appuie, dans le cadre des Humanités numériques, sur des méthodes d’analyse assistées par ordinateur.Elle décrit les modalités de l'élaboration d'un ethos féminin singulier et de l'expression de thématiques originales dans le discours électoral des femmes briguant la députation durant cinquante ans. / At the crossroads of political history, gender studies and discourse analysis, the present PhD dissertation gives a detailed study of the statements of principles of MP women candidates under the French Fifth Republic (1958-2007). The corpus is designed according to a set of gender hypothesis in political context. It gathers almost all the declarations of women candidates under the French Fifth Republic, together with a reference corpus sampling a representative set of men declarations, made under similar political conditions.Statements of principles are performative acts setting speakers as political figures. Does gender impact political discourse and speeches? Did gender representations significantly evolve within the 12 legislative periods of the Fifth Republic?To answer these questions, we resorted to a set of text statistics methods in the framework of digital humanities. The thesis provides a comprehensive description of the development of women ethos within fifty years, bringing to light the gradual emergence of original themes and subjects.

No description available.

Thesis (doctoral)--Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2003. / "Kurzbiografien: Frauen in den Landtagen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1946 bis 1960"--P. 302-340. Includes bibliographical references (p. 282-296).

Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--University of the Witwatersrand, Graduate School for Humanities and Social Sciences, 2016 / This study comparatively interrogates the representative parliamentary politics of women political elites in the subSaharan African states of posttransition Rwanda and South Africa. It analyses the relationship between women political elites and gender equality outcomes through the theoretical framework of the presupposed positive relationship that is said to exist between high levels of women’s descriptive representation and women’s substantive representation. It specifically explores this relationship through the lens of legislative outcomes passed in each state. In South Africa, this legislation takes the form of the 1998 Recognition of Customary Marriages Act and in Rwanda, the 2008 Genderbased Violence Act. This study locates the outcomes of women’s parliamentary politics in these states to the different articulation of elite patriarchal bargains negotiated by women political elites within the opportunities and constraints of parliamentary institutional contexts and the political parties represented in these regimes. I show that the higher the degree to which a ruling political party needs to privilege and emphasise women’s interests in the reproduction of political power and legitimisation of its own authority, the more favourable the terms of the elite patriarchal bargains that women political elites tacitly negotiate within political parties will be for pursuing gender equality legislative outcomes in patriarchal institutional contexts. I illustrate how political institutions located in the state never present conclusive gains or losses for women and gender equality but are contextually ambiguous and contradictory in the ways that they foster representation and locate gendered political accountability. / WS2016

The role of a political leader often is associated with the emotional attributes of a man, and there is empirical evidence that media coverage reinforces culture-specific emotion display rules for politicians. Feminist communication scholarship also has shown the gendered assumptions manifest in mediated discourses. This dissertation explores the relationship between gender, culture and candidates’ emotionality by examining and comparing news media coverage of the emotional management of Chile’s Michelle Bachelet and the United States’ Hillary Clinton, two female candidates with a viable bid for the presidency in their respective countries. Using a discourse analysis of 1,676 items from national newspapers, news magazines and television newscasts, this study found that cultural differences influence the discursive constructions of these women candidates’ emotionality. In the case of Bachelet, she was deemed as a soft, empathic and ultimately “feminine” candidate who needed to toughen up to convey authority and convince voters that she had the skills, in addition to the charm, to lead a country. In the case of Clinton, she was described mainly as a cold and unsympathetic contender, an unwomanly woman with too much ambition to be likable, and who was portrayed either as fake or frail when being more emotionally open. These mediated discourses suggest the media favored determined understandings for a woman’s place and role, reinforcing socially-shared and culturally-bound meanings about gendered identities. Informed by a feminist theoretical framework, the discussion addresses how these mediated discourses on Bachelet and Clinton illustrate the power of culturally-sanctioned sexism in Chile and the United States to make of gender a restrictive force that keeps women out of the realms of politics and policy. / text

Although more women are successfully breaching the social, economic and political barriers that can prevent them from participating as electoral candidates, few women campaign for elected office. A dearth of female candidates may be understandable, given research demonstrating that women tend to avoid competition and competitive environments. Thus, elections – competitive by design – may attract fewer women than men. This thesis posits that the inherent competitiveness of electoral politics may deter women from campaigning for office. However, this work also forwards that competitive sport socialization during adolescence may prepare women for electoral competition. This paper examines the results of a self-administered survey mailed to 449 female candidates for municipal office. The survey investigated candidates’ adolescent experiences in competitive sports and attitudes relating to internal political efficacy. The results appear to demonstrate a strong correlation between competitive sport socialization and either positive or neutral evaluations of political competition. / x, 163 leaves ; 29 cm

Thesis (M.S.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of Communications, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-180).

This study analysed the representation of South African women politicians in the Sunday Times’ election news during the 2004 Presidential and general elections, by drawing on perspectives from cultural studies, the constructionist approach to representation and the sociology of news production. Using content analysis and critical discourse analysis, the study found that very few women politicians were used as news actors/sources in the Sunday Times, and that when women politicians were figured, the paper tended to present them in ways that serve to sustain women’s subordinate status in society. Using content analysis, the study analysed 106 news items published between January 1, 2004 and April 30, 2004, and found that of all the 588 identifiable news actors/sources counted, 135 were women and 453 were men. Of these, only 7.67% (or 26) were women politicians and 92.33% (or 313) were men politicians. On average however, the amount of words allocated to a woman politician was more than that allocated to a man politician. The discourse analysis also revealed how the Sunday Times managed to reproduce textually the hegemonic power relations between women and men, by constructing different subject positions for women politicians and men politicians, which generally tended to be negative and positive respectively. In the representation of women politicians, the study revealed patterns that tended to ascribe them negative personality traits, accentuate their passivity and dependency on men, and construct them as incompetent political leaders. This study’s conclusions pose a challenge to the role of the national newspaper in the transformation of gender relations and the promotion of equal access to political and decision-making positions, and to the news media. News discourse, as a social practice, both determines and is determined by the social structure in which it is produced. By systematically reproducing subordinate subject positions for women in the news, the Sunday Times helps to further women’s subordinate status in society. Particularly, as part of the broader social cultural context that is embedded in patriarchal and gender ideologies, the Sunday Times does not merely reflect but actively and effectively constructs the reality it claims to be representing.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a feminist investigation of the reporting on the female politicians in the Mail & Guardian using the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development media requirements on content as the yardstick. The Protocol is a regional policy adopted in 2008 by regional governments aimed at achieving gender equity in key sectors by 2015. The Protocol is a regional instrument set up to assist in meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The study investigated whether the Protocol’s media requirements were being observed by the Mail&Guardian. The media’s role of providing information can assist the MDGs to be met. These requirements encourage the media in the region to reach gender parity in the use of news sources and writing of news reports that help to reduce gender-based violence and the portrayal of women that is not stereotypic and oppressive. The themes of the study, which were “gender-based violence”, “gender oppression” and “stereotypes against women” were influenced by these requirements. Gender-based violence is a major impediment to development in Africa because of the heavy financial burden it puts on governments and communities to treat victims and offer them shelter and counselling. Gender-based violence affects women’s full productivity in society because it results in death or victims remaining absent from work while they seek treatment. Stereotypes and gender oppression are viewed as dangerous because not only do they deny younger generations role models but they perpetuate the insubordination of women in society. The study linked the themes to female parliamentarians because being legislators and policy makers, they have a strategic and critical role to play in helping to achieve gender equity. There is a perception that female politicians offer different perspectives to issues. The media can be a vehicle through which these female politicians can express their opinions. This is because the media is supposed to offer freedom of expression to all its citizens regardless of gender. In order to examine if the female ideology had a place in the Mail & Guardian a feminist theoretical approach was used. The study employed a triangulation approach in which both the qualitative and quantitative research methodologies were used. The quantitative method was employed to a small extent to quantify the coverage of female politicians. Triangulation in data collection entailed using both the content analysis and in-depth interviews. Findings of the study showed a violation of the Protocol’s media requirements. News reporting about female politicians centred on scandals and controversies and journalists and editors were ignorant of the Protocol’s media requirements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie was ’n feministiese ondersoek na die Mail & Guardian se verslaggewing oor vrouepolitici. Dis gedoen met die interregeringsorganisasie, die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG), se Protokol oor Geslag en Ontwikkeling as maatstaf. Die Protokol is ’n beleid wat in 2008 deur die owerhede van die SAOG-lidlande van stapel gestuur is, met die oog op geslagsgelykheid in sleutelsektore teen 2015. Dit dien as instrument en hulpmiddel in die nastreef van bogenoemde. Die studie stel ondersoek in na die handhawing, al dan nie, van die Protokol se mediavereistes deur die Mail & Guardian. Die media se rol as verskaffer van inligting kan die strewe hierna bevorder. Die vereistes moedig die media in die onderskeie streke aan om geslagsgelykheid toe te pas wat betref die gebruik van nuusbronne, die skep van nuusberigte wat bydra tot die vermindering van geslagsgebaseerde geweld en die uitbeeld van vroue wat wegskram van stereotipering en onderdrukking. Die temas van die studie-"geslagsgebaseerde geweld", "geslagsonderdrukking" en “stereotipering van vroue" is gevolglik deur die Protokol se vereistes beïnvloed. Geslagsgebaseerde geweld is ’n wesenlike struikelblok in die pad van ontwikkeling in Afrika, deels weens die swaar finansiële las wat dit plaas op gemeenskaplike en regeringsvlak. Só moet slagoffers dikwels behandeling, skuiling en berading ontvang. Dit het ook ’n besliste impak op vroue se produktiwiteit in die breër samelewing, aangesien slagoffers van geslagsgebaseerde geweld in sommige gevalle afwesig is uit die werksomgewing om behandel te word of-in meer ernstige gevalle-sterf. Stereotipering en onderdrukking word as uiters gevaarlik beskou, aangesien dit nie nét die ondergeskiktheid van vroue laat voortleef nie; maar boonop jonger generasies van rolmodelle ontneem. Die temas van die studie word verbind met vroulike parlementslede weens hul rolle as beleidsopstellers en wetmakers. Dié vroue het strategiese en belangrike verpligtinge om na te kom in die strewe na geslagsgelykheid. Die persepsie bestaan dat vroue-politici dikwels ’n ander, nuwe perspektief op kwessies bied. Die media kan in dié opsig as ’n waardevolle voertuig aangewend word om die perspektiewe tuis te bring. Die media het ook ’n plig om vryheid van uitdrukking te verseker aan alle landsburgers - ongeag hulle geslag. Ten einde te bepaal of die ideologie deur die Mail & Guardian toegepas is, is ’n feministiese teoretiese aanslag gevolg. Die studie het gebruik gemaak van triangulasie, waartydens beide kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodologieë ingespan is. Die kwantitatiewe metode is gebruik om die mediadekking van vroue-politici te kwantifiseer. Triangulasie is ook tydens die data-insamelingsproses gebruik. Dit het ingesluit die aanwend van inhoudsanalises, asook in-diepte onderhoude. Die bevinding van die studie dui op die oortreding van die Protokol se mediavereistes. Verslaggewing oor vroue-politici is grootliks toegespits op skandale en omstredenheid en beide joernaliste en inhoudsredakteurs blyk onkundig te wees oor die vereistes.