Aim of this work is the analysis of the system of education and development of workers in selected company, identification of training needs, design changes and recommendations for improving the management of this area.

O período de 1917 a 1919 foi marcado por intensa atividade reivindicatória no Brasil e no mundo, insuflada pelo clima de instabilidade global e pelo exemplo da Revolução Bolchevique. No Brasil, tal quadro repetia-se, tendo sido esse um momento de intensificação da mobilização operária, marcada por inúmeras greves que irromperam no cenário de vários centros urbanos brasileiros. Atentas a essa conjuntura, as elites políticas brasileiros não tardaram a se posicionar sobre ela. Os discursos parlamentares produzidos na Câmara dos Deputados sobre o movimento operário foram aqui objeto de análise, a fim de se determinar quais as posições presentes naquela casa legislativa sobre o tema. Duas posturas contrapostas foram identificadas: uma, majoritária, legitimadora das políticas repressivas implementadas pelos governos estaduais e federais ao movimento, calcada em uma visão em que o movimento operário era apresentado como elemento de desordem comandado por estrangeiros perniciosos; outra, minoritária, que defendia um olhar atento, por parte da instância política, sobre as reivindicações sociais, bandeiras centrais da mobilização operária. Esse embate de ideias, que se desdobrava da questão específica do operariado para outras esferas da sociedade brasileira, não foi resolvido pelo convencimento ou consenso. O olhar condenatório, produtor de um discurso que se utilizava de maneira recorrente da lógica argumentativa presente no mito político da conspiração, acaba por servir de legitimação às ações de força impostas ao movimento pelos governantes. / The period from 1917 to 1919 was marked by intense labor rights activities in both Brazil and the rest of the world, prompted by global instability and the Bolshevik Revolution. In Brazil, these events repeated themselves, becoming an intensified movement of workers' mobilization, marked by high numbers of strikes, that happened in different urban centers throughout the country. Paying close attention to this new picture, the Brazilian political elites did not take long to position themselves. The parliamentary discourses produced by the Deputies' Chamber about the conflicts, were the objects of analysis of the present research, with the purpose of finding out what positions were taken by the legislative house. Two opposing postures were identified: one taken by the majority, that legitimized the repressive politics towards the movement implemented by both the state and federal governments, based on the view that the latter presented itself as some sort of turmoil lead by evil foreigners; the other, taken by the minority, demanded an attentive look by the political instances over the social demands, which were central objectives of the workers' mobilization. This clash of ideas, which expanded the matters of workers into other spheres within Brazilian society, were not resolved by convictions or common sense. The repressive outlook produced a discourse commonly used in argumentative logic present in the political myth of 'conspiracy', and ended up legitimizing the use of force imposed on the movement by the government.

O período de 1917 a 1919 foi marcado por intensa atividade reivindicatória no Brasil e no mundo, insuflada pelo clima de instabilidade global e pelo exemplo da Revolução Bolchevique. No Brasil, tal quadro repetia-se, tendo sido esse um momento de intensificação da mobilização operária, marcada por inúmeras greves que irromperam no cenário de vários centros urbanos brasileiros. Atentas a essa conjuntura, as elites políticas brasileiros não tardaram a se posicionar sobre ela. Os discursos parlamentares produzidos na Câmara dos Deputados sobre o movimento operário foram aqui objeto de análise, a fim de se determinar quais as posições presentes naquela casa legislativa sobre o tema. Duas posturas contrapostas foram identificadas: uma, majoritária, legitimadora das políticas repressivas implementadas pelos governos estaduais e federais ao movimento, calcada em uma visão em que o movimento operário era apresentado como elemento de desordem comandado por estrangeiros perniciosos; outra, minoritária, que defendia um olhar atento, por parte da instância política, sobre as reivindicações sociais, bandeiras centrais da mobilização operária. Esse embate de ideias, que se desdobrava da questão específica do operariado para outras esferas da sociedade brasileira, não foi resolvido pelo convencimento ou consenso. O olhar condenatório, produtor de um discurso que se utilizava de maneira recorrente da lógica argumentativa presente no mito político da conspiração, acaba por servir de legitimação às ações de força impostas ao movimento pelos governantes. / The period from 1917 to 1919 was marked by intense labor rights activities in both Brazil and the rest of the world, prompted by global instability and the Bolshevik Revolution. In Brazil, these events repeated themselves, becoming an intensified movement of workers' mobilization, marked by high numbers of strikes, that happened in different urban centers throughout the country. Paying close attention to this new picture, the Brazilian political elites did not take long to position themselves. The parliamentary discourses produced by the Deputies' Chamber about the conflicts, were the objects of analysis of the present research, with the purpose of finding out what positions were taken by the legislative house. Two opposing postures were identified: one taken by the majority, that legitimized the repressive politics towards the movement implemented by both the state and federal governments, based on the view that the latter presented itself as some sort of turmoil lead by evil foreigners; the other, taken by the minority, demanded an attentive look by the political instances over the social demands, which were central objectives of the workers' mobilization. This clash of ideas, which expanded the matters of workers into other spheres within Brazilian society, were not resolved by convictions or common sense. The repressive outlook produced a discourse commonly used in argumentative logic present in the political myth of 'conspiracy', and ended up legitimizing the use of force imposed on the movement by the government.

Orientador: Alexandre Gori Maia / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T11:07:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BenjaminSampson_Evelyn_M.pdf: 1203261 bytes, checksum: e11d34bf7a0eb6b41fb9faca572f3b49 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Há uma força de trabalho cuja presença, contribuição e impacto no desenvolvimento socio-econômico não pode ser negado em nenhum lugar do mundo, embora haja pouco ou nenhum reconhecimento. Em função disso, em muitos casos, esses trabalhadores sofrem negligência e condições de trabalho inaceitáveis: os trabalhadores domésticos. Vindos de um background de trabalho familiar não pago e servidão que engloba acompanhamento (de crianças a idosos) e faxina, pessoas que se encontram neste trabalho - normalmente mulheres de famílias pobres - são comumente não consideradas como trabalhadores que merecem tratamento decente e direitos básicos no trabalho como todos os outros trabalhadores. Nas décadas recentes, em países avançados, a participação das mulheres na força de trabalho aumentou em muitas economias. Este período é caracterizado por alterações nos arranjos de trabalho e intensidade de trabalho e o sempre declinante Estado de Bem Estar Social, no qual as provisões do estado considerando serviços sociais estão escassos. A importância dos trabalhadores domésticos em tais circunstâncias - ambos nativos ou migrantes - não pode ser exagerado. De fato, serve como base para muitas economias ao redor do mundo. No entanto, pouco tem sido feito para melhorar e minimizar os desafios que esses trabalhadores enfrentam, como remuneração baixa, falta de proteção social, exploração, discriminação, trabalho infantil, tráfico de seres humanos, desregulação, abuso sexual, entre outros abusos. Gana é um dos países onde o trabalho doméstico é cada vez mais comum e estabelecido, mas não sem os desafios mencionados acima, em especial o trabalho infantil. No contexto de um país em desenvolvimento como Gana, o Estado dificilmente oferece soluções para famílias que permitiria que as pessoas trabalhassem fora de suas casas com tranquilidade. Muito precisa ser feito no intuito de promover condições de trabalho decentes para os trabalhadores domésticos / Abstract: There is a workforce whose presence, contributions and impact on socio-economic development cannot be denied anywhere they are found in the world, in spite of no or little recognition accorded them in several places - domestic workers. In many cases, they suffer neglect and unacceptable working conditions due to lack of adequate recognition of their presence as well as the value of their work to societies and economies. Coming from a background of unpaid family work and servitude that entails care-giving and housekeeping, people who find themselves in this work - often women and from poorer backgrounds - are usually not considered as workers that deserve decent treatment and basic rights at work like all other workers. In recent decades, in advanced and developing countries, women's labor force participation is increasing in many economies. This very period is characterized by changes in work arrangement, intensity of work in the face of ever declining welfare state where provisions of the state concerning care as well as social services are lagging. The importance of domestic workers in such circumstances - both as nationals or migrants- cannot be overemphasized. Indeed, paid domestic work is serving as a backbone to many economies worldwide. Notwithstanding, not much have been done to improve upon challenges they face that include low remunerations, lack of social protection, exploitation, de juro and de facto discrimination, child labor, human trafficking, unregulated agencies, sexual harassment and other abuses. Ghana is one of the countries where domestic employment is increasingly prevalent - but not without challenges such as mentioned above, especially child labor. In the context of a developing country like Ghana, the state hardly provides solutions for household concerns to enable people work outside households in tranquility. This makes domestic workers important partners for development of Ghana. However, a lot needs to be done in order to promote decent working conditions for domestic workers / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Esta pesquisa se propõe a investigar elementos constitutivos da cultura de dois grupos de trabalhadores do ABC Paulista. O objetivo central é compreender os costumes desses jovens, especialmente no que se refere às experiências para além do trabalho. Escolhemos dois segmentos dentro de uma mesma categoria, por ocuparem lugares diferentes na cadeia produtiva, fato que lhes proporciona condições materiais e simbólicas muito diversas. Para compreensão das trajetórias e dos processos de socialização desse grupo de jovens, buscamos apreender seus estilos de vida, que, para Bourdieu (1979, p.), são sistemas de desvios diferenciais que são a retradução simbólica de diferenças objetivamente inscritas nas condições de existência, através de entrevistas semiestruturadas. Partimos do pressuposto de que esses trabalhadores são originários de um campo cuja matriz comum dá contorno a uma identidade operária. A composição cultural destes trabalhadores, porém, não é homogênea. Com Leal (2011, p.367.) entendemos por cultura um conjunto de valores e significados atribuídos a relações e práticas sociais incorporados em seus rituais e comportamentos que expressam uma determinada forma de ser no mundo. O primeiro grupo foi composto por jovens de uma empresa de autopeças: Itaesbra; e o segundo, por jovens de uma empresa montadora: Mercedes-Benz. Partimos da hipótese de que jovens trabalhadores de uma mesma categoria possuem capital cultural diferentes e, apesar de partilharem hábitos e costumes, apresentam formas muito peculiares. As disposições adquiridas, perpassadas por múltiplas vivências, imputam um caráter bastante fluido a suas identidades como trabalhadores. Como consequência, refletem uma cultura de classes plural e muito heterogênea. Ainda assim, observamos uma marca fundamental que os une: as experiências para além do trabalho, que indicam seus lugares na configuração social, ganham espaço secundário, isto é, o trabalho ocupa lugar central em suas vidas. / This research aims to investigate the constituent elements of the culture of two groups of ABC Paulista workers. The main objective is to understand the customs of these young workers, especially with regard to experiences beyond work. Two segments within the same category were chosen, because they occupy different places in the production chain, a fact that gives them very different material and symbolic conditions. To understanding the trajectories and socialization processes of this group of young workers, we seek to learn their lifestyles, that according to Bourdieu (1979, p.), are \"differential deviations systems that are a symbolic retranslation of differences objectively entered in conditions of existence\", through semi-structured interviews. We assume that these workers are originate from a field whose common matrix creates an operary class identity. The cultural composition of these workers, however, is not uniform. According to Leal (2011, p.367.) culture is a \"set of values and meanings attributed to social relations and practices\" incorporated into their rituals and behaviors that express a certain way of being. The first group was composed by young people from an auto parts company: Itaesbra; and second, by young people from an automaker company: Mercedes-Benz. Our hypothesis is that young workers of the same class have different cultural capital and despite sharing habits and customs, have very peculiar shapes. The provisions acquired, laden with multiple experiences, attach a fluid nature to their identities as workers. As a result, they reflect a culture of plural and heterogeneous classes. Even so, we observed a feature that connects them: the experience beyond the job, indicating their place in the social setting, won a secondary space, that is, work occupies a central place in their lives.

Orientador: Ericson Batagin / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Ciencias Medicas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T03:18:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TradNeto_Jose_M.pdf: 5089755 bytes, checksum: 20cb0e0818ae3ad40d0707cdba727b01 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2001 / Resumo: Inúmeros são os estudos de mortalidade entre os trabalhadores expostos ao asbesto na literatura científica mundial. No Brasil, apesar de minerado há mais de meio século, até então nenhuma investigação epidemiológica fora realizada. O presente trabalho estuda a mortalidade entre expostos, a nível ocupacional, ao asbesto na atividade de mineração, em dois períodos distintos. De uma população de 10.394 trabalhadores admitidos no período de 1940-2000, foram estudados 480 óbitos. Utilizou-se o método da Investigação Interamericana de Mortalidade adaptado para a saúde ocupacional. Este trabalho visa a obtenção da causa básica do óbito e avalia a qualidade das informações, descrevendo os perfis de mortalidade nos 480 óbitos, classificados conforme a CID-10. As maiores freqüências de causas de mortalidade são comparáveis aos padrões brasileiros, onde as doenças do aparelho respiratório não figuram entre as três primeiras. O que aprimora a qualidade da informação é o conjunto de dados provenientes dos certificados de óbito, das informações médicas e da entrevista familiar. Esse trabalho descritivo possibilita a proposição de futuros estudos analíticos / Abstract: There are several mortality studies of asbestos workers at scientific literature. In Brazil, this activity exists since 1940 and there is not an epidemiological investigation. This study describes the mortality among asbestos workers in mining activity, on two phases, at different areas of Brazil. There were 10.394 workers registered during 1940-2000. The total number of deaths was 480. It used the Inter-American Investigation of Mortality method, with modifications for occupational health, identifying the underlying cause of death. Describes the mortality types, using the ICD-10 and estimates the information quality. The most mortality causes frequency is comparable to Brazilian standards, where the respiratory diseases aren¿t between the three most frequent. This descriptive study allows inferences for future analytic studies / Mestrado / Saude Coletiva / Mestre em Saude Coletiva

D. Litt. et Phil. / The drastic reduction of funds allocated annually to public libraries has caused a serious shortage of financial and other resources. At the same time, various policy documents published in recent years emphasise the importance of public libraries for the development of South African society as a whole. Public libraries will therefore have to adapt and extend their services to cater for the needs of the communities they serve and to take their rightful place in the development of these communities. Using members of the local communities as voluntary workers is a proposed solution to the problem of providing extended services and remaining within budgetary limits. Research on designing an effective programme for using voluntary workers in public libraries was therefore imperative. The research was undertaken, firstly, on the basis of an intensive literature study and, secondly, by conducting an empirical study by means of structured interviews with a number of librarians in public libraries. The interviews were conducted after completion of the literature study. The purpose of the interviews was to determine whether the use of voluntary workers according to the proposed programme was supported by librarians in the public library sector. The opinions of respondents were subsequently analysed and objections to the use of voluntary workers were identified. The predetermined guidelines set on the basis of the literature study were followed to eliminate these objections. It was found that none of the objections to the use of voluntary workers could be sustained if the guidelines on designing and implementing a voluntary workers' programme were followed. Every possible resource was utilised to design a structured programme for recruiting potential voluntary workers from different communities and using them for rendering essential and extended services. The guidelines indicated that public library management should, first of all, determine the relevance of using voluntary workers by means of internal and external needs analyses. Should it be found that the aid of voluntary workers is relevant for rendering various services, a co-ordinator should be appointed to design and implement the voluntary workers' programme. It is suggested that the programme should be developed and implemented as follows,The co-ordinator, as the manager of the programme, will be responsible for compiling a policy, procedures, recruitment and selection strategies, a training schedule and a budget. These tasks may be delegated to other staff members so that they could play a role in training, supervising, motivating, evaluating and giving recognition to voluntary workers. Finally, the co-ordinator should evaluate the effectiveness of the programme on the basis of data gathered from supervisors, voluntary workers and relevant community members. The report on the findings should then be made available to all roleplayers. The programme should subsequently be adapted and improved according to the findings published in this report. The researcher therefore recommends that voluntary workers should be recruited on the basis of the structured voluntary workers' programme and used for rendering essential and extended services.

La mobilité internationale des travailleurs est perçue comme un facteur de développement pour les États, qu’ils soient d’origine ou d’accueil. Elle est la solution aux carences de compétences et de mains d’œuvres, elle constitue un facteur de transfert et d’acquisition du savoir-faire et de technologie pour les États de même que pour les travailleurs. Cependant, la mobilité internationale des travailleurs révèle un cadre juridique complexe, puisque d’un côté elle est liée à certains droits fondamentaux qui impliquent forcément des conséquences, et d’un autre côté l’usage inapproprié de ses qualifiants prête à la confusion entre les différentes formes de cette mobilité. Toutefois, sa mise en œuvre ne reste pas sans conséquences puisqu’elle implique des effets mitigés pour les trois principaux acteurs : les États, les entreprises et les travailleurs. C’est ce que cette étude propose d’illustrer. / The international mobility of workers is seen as a states development factor, whether it is their home or host. It is an answer to skills deficiencies and labor work. It is an acquisition and transfer factor of knowledge and technology for States and their workforce.However, international mobility reveals a complex legal framework, since on the one hand, it is linked a certain fundamental rights witch necessarily involve consequences, and on the other hand, inappropriate uses of his qualifying it leads to confusion between the different forms of mobility. However, its implementation is not without consequences since it involves mixed effects for the three principal actors: States, companies and workers. That is what this study will illustrate.

D.Phil. / The formulation of the Draft White Paper for Social Welfare in 199S/1996 and the publication of the White Paper for Social Welfare on 8 August 1997 heralded a new era for social welfare services in South Africa. The focus of service rendering not only shifted service fields and directions of specialisation to developmental welfare. but also recognised the contributions of the various other categories of welfare personnel to social welfare.

Migrant workers are one of the most rapidly growing populations in the United States (U.S.) and have been significantly affected by HIV/AIDS. More than 9 million people in the U.S., primarily concentrated in Texas, Florida, Washington, California, Oregon, and North Carolina, are migrant farm workers. High prevalence rates are also suspected among migrant worker communities where risky health behaviors appear to be common. Constant mobility, isolation, limited education, substandard housing, and poverty are some of the factors that migrant workers experience and in many cases increases their HIV risk. Recent studies have suggested that ethnic identity or the level of attachment with one’s ethnic group may influence engagement in HIV risk behaviors, a fact that may be important in the development of interventions among ethnic minorities. This study assesses the relationship between ethnic identity and HIV risk behaviors in two different samples; one assesses this relationship at baseline with a total of 431 African American migrant and seasonal workers in Immokalee, Florida. The second analyzes changes in ethnic identity and HIV behaviors in a sample of 270 Hispanic and African American migrant and seasonal workers in Immokalee, Florida. Data from baseline and 6-month follow-up were used in the analyses presented. The results suggest that individuals with higher levels of ethnic identity report lower levels of engagement in some, but not all, of the risky behaviors examined. These findings point to a potentially protective role for ethnic identity among this sample.