This investigation is concerned with determining what influence, if any, results from the dependence upon foreign sources of petroleum by the United States, France, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union. The influence that petroleum plays upon the changing attitudes of these four nations towards Israel and the Arab nations is ascertained by the utilization of primary and secondary sources. The study analyzes all the resolutions that have been adopted by the United Nations Security Council in the years between 1948 and 1976 dealing specifically with the Arab-Israeli conflict. Other chapters analyze each of the four nations to which attention is being directed. This study concludes that the growing and continuing dependence upon Arab oil has influenced the foreign policies the four nations have assumed toward the Arab-Israeli conflict.

This thesis analyzes the role of the global media in world politics. The global media as a major source of information performs many functions in world politics. Due to the technological innovations both the global media and world politics has extended their scope and content. It is the aim of this thesis to explore to what extent the global media and world politics changes and to what extent the global media affect world politics. Moreover, this thesis aims to analyze the actors that play a significant role in the relation of global media and world politics. This thesis will also question the importance and effects of global media in world politics through the examples of Iraq War of 2003. This thesis argues that global media are the important actor of world politics by their agenda-setting, impediment and accelerant effects which influences public opinion. The aim of this thesis is to question the power of the global media on public opinion through the existential media structures, while showing the effects of global media by the examples of Iraq War of 2003.

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 187-204). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

This thesis examines how sovereign lending, i.e. the practice of lending capital to sovereigns, has changed since the early nineteenth century. It tackles this question by investigating how lenders have thought about sovereigns for the past two centuries, focusing on the tools they have used to know and represent them. I argue that there was a critical shift in the early twentieth century in terms of the kinds of knowledge lenders deployed to know sovereigns. This shift differentiates the old sovereign lending from the new. In the old sovereign lending, merchant banking families such as the Rothschilds knew sovereigns through intensely personal relations based on gentility, whereas in the new sovereign lending, joint stock banks, credit rating agencies and international institutions largely came to know sovereigns through statistics. Though difficult to imagine nowadays, the description of sovereigns through quantifiable facts (the original definition of 'statistics') was revolutionary for early twentieth century lenders. Despite constituting the origins of sovereign credit ratings, this key shift has been overlooked in all major studies about sovereign debt. The new sovereign lending rose to prominence from the interwar period to the 1970s and now defines our world. The identification of this crucial shift is based on the development and application of the concept of forms of knowledge. Forms of knowledge refer to enduring ways of knowing and representing the constituent units of the international system used by international practitioners (e.g. diplomats, military strategists, financiers, and international lawyers). Examples of forms of knowledge include, but are not limited to, modern cartography, international treaties, statistics, gentility, and heraldry. The use of this concept is that it leads to a better understanding of how international practitioners and their practices undergo radical changes. In so doing, it provides a firmer empirical grasp on the question of how fundamental discontinuities arise in international relations.

Dada sua definição e a forma como opera na atualidade, o refúgio pode ser caracterizado por dois momentos: o anterior à determinação do status de refugiado - o qual congrega as condições de vida que levam à fuga e legitimam o reconhecimento como refugiado -; e o posterior - o qual consiste das condições de vida no país de acolhida (a chamada fase de proteção). O instituto do refúgio vincula dois âmbitos que visam garantir a proteção internacional do indivíduo: o regime internacional dos direitos humanos e o regime internacional dos refugiados. Atualmente, tem-se reconhecido a relação entre essas duas esferas, principalmente no que se refere à aproximação histórica e filosófica, contudo, ainda há posicionamentos que defendem a não-existência de tal vinculação. Esse trabalho visa desenvolver uma análise sobre a relação existente entre direitos humanos e refúgio nos momentos anterior e posterior à determinação do status de refugiado. Em relação ao primeiro, visando demonstrar a impossibilidade de desvinculação entre a concepção contemporânea da proteção internacional dos refugiados e o reconhecimento e a garantia dos direitos humanos, argumenta-se, a partir de uma revisão bibliográfica, que a violação de direitos humanos é sempre o motivo que leva à determinação da condição de refugiado. No que concerne ao segundo, visamos analisar como o ACNUR, principal organismo para o trato da questão, tem se manifestado em relação aos direitos humanos dos refugiados nos países de acolhida - partindo do exame de algumas de suas publicações e apontando como a política internacional tem se configurado como fator central para a forma como o ACNUR se expressa em relação à violação desses direitos nos países de refúgio. / Given its definition and the way it operates in the present, the refuge can be characterized by two moments: the one before the refugee status determination process - which comprises the life conditions that lead to the flight and justify the admission of a refugee in another country -; and the one after this process - which consists of the life conditions in the asylum country (the so-called protection phase). The refuge bonds two domains which aim to assure the international protection: the human rights international regime and the refugee international regime. Presently, it has been recognized that there is a fundamental tie between these two spheres, mainly in relation to the historical and philosophical approximation, nevertheless, there still are opinions which advocates against such linking. This research aims to develop an analysis about the relation that exists between human rights and refuge in the moments before and after the refugee status determination. In respect to the first, aiming to demonstrate the impossibility of disconnecting the contemporaneous concept of international protection and the recognition and guarantee of human rights, starting from a bibliographic review, it is argued that the human rights violation is always the reason that yields to the refugee status determination. Regarding the second one, we aim to analyze how the UNHCR, main organization for dealing with the issue, has manifested its opinions about the refugee human rights in the asylum countries - using as parameter some of its publications and revealing how the world politics has been a key factor to the way this agency expresses itself respecting to the rights violations in the asylum countries.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T21:21:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Prado_DeboraFigueiredoMendoncado_D.pdf: 1971535 bytes, checksum: 52ad42c55c3bb8336b28f5a15e906b0c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O objetivo principal desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação internacional dos estados norte-americanos tendo em vista a implementação de sanções econômicas internacionais pelos legislativos estaduais. Estas sanções buscam impactar o bem-estar econômico de um Estado alvo por meio de restrições ao comércio internacional e investimentos com o objetivo de coagir o mesmo a alterar determinado comportamento político. No caso das sanções estaduais, são utilizados dois tipos de atividade: 1) a proibição da contratação ou aquisição de bens e serviços do governo estadual com empresas que fazem negócios no país-alvo e 2) o impedimento dos estados ou agências locais de realizar investimentos públicos nestas empresas e no país-alvo. Este tipo de atividade estadual possui um potencial conflituoso uma vez que as sanções estaduais podem gerar conflitos e tensões legais com o governo nacional. O objetivo deste trabalho será compreender o desenvolvimento destas atividades estaduais e os tensionamentos estabelecidos entre elas e o governo nacional bem como buscará compreender qual tem sido a reação das instituições norte-americanas sobre este processo. Para isto serão discutidas as raízes históricas do desenho institucional norte-americano na definição das funções dos governos estaduais e federais e o comportamento do Congresso e da Suprema Corte nesta temática. Para identificar as principais características das sanções estaduais este trabalho apresentará o mapeamento das sanções estaduais aplicadas pelos legislativos estaduais no período de 1977, data inicial deste tipo de atuação a 2012 / Abstract: The main objective of this research is to analyze the international actions of U.S. states, in view of the establishment of foreign policy actions by international economic sanctions developed by state legislatures. It is understood by the application of sanctions measures that seek to reduce the economic welfare of a target state by reducing international trade in order to coerce it to amend certain political behavior. In the case of state sanctions, are used two types of activity: 1) the prohibition in the states of hiring or purchasing goods and services from companies doing business in the target country or through selective divestment laws and 2) preventing states or local agencies to make public investments in these companies. Through this kind of activity states can develop actions contrary to national foreign policy, generating conflict and legal tensions with Washington. Trying to understand this process, this paper aims to map the historical roots of this institutional design, as well as cases of penalties imposed by state legislatures, 1977, start date this type of activity, 2012. It is understood that the analysis of these cases, the Supreme Court and of the actions taken by Congress will contribute to the understanding of the functioning of these institutions in situations of conflicts between states and the federal government on issues of international economic policy. To identify the main features of state sanctions, this work present the mapping of state sanctions imposed by state legislatures from 1977 to 2012 / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutora em Ciência Política

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

No description available.

During Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections the country’s media laws had a direct impact on the way editorial cartoonists expressed themselves. Although the online newspapers were unregulated and the print media published under Zimbabwe’s media laws, Public Order and Security Act and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy act - the editorial cartoons from both sources show deliberate bias towards one candidate and contempt towards the main rival. The study contextualises the understanding of the editorial cartoon, as practised in an environment of freedom of speech and defined by the four categories identified by Press (1981) and Manning and Phiddian (2004), and delineates the effect of media laws on the newspaper industry in Zimbabwe. The four categories of editorial cartoons identified are descriptive editorial cartoons, laughing satirical editorial cartoons, destructive satirical editorial cartoons, and savage indignation editorial cartoons. The study reviews eight editorial cartoons, read using a semiotic framework investigating non-verbal communication, as defined and suggested by Du Plooy (1996), and a text and language grid, as suggested by Leech (1974), according to the criteria of symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge, as developed by Fetsko (2001). A comparative analysis of the cartoons reveals that objectives and functions of the unregulated zimonline.co.za and the regulated the Herald newspapers are the same. They constitute propagandistic representations of Zimbabwean politics that are more an extension of political ideology than they are a reflection of the country’s sociopolitical landscape.

Orientador: Andrei Koener / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T18:32:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_MarrielleMaiaAlves_D.pdf: 2775647 bytes, checksum: b0cda201d9f8a77758515e61d56a312c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo estudar a política dos Estados Unidos para o Tribunal Penal Internacional do ponto de vista da estratégia da política externa norte-americana. O período de análise refere-se ao imediato pós Guerra Fria, quando o tema da criação de tribunais internacionais voltou para a agenda internacional, compreendido nos anos das administrações George H. W. Bush (1989-1992), Bill Clinton (1993-2000) e George W. Bush (2001-2008). Partiu-se da constatação das diferenças no tratamento dispensado pelas Presidências norte-americanas aos instrumentos de justiça internacional. Com vistas a apreciar o significado dessas diferenças o trabalho foi dividido em quatro capítulos. O primeiro capítulo dedica-se a apresentar os antecedentes históricos da criação do Tribunal Penal Internacional e seus aspectos institucionais, com atenção especial para o papel dos Estados Unidos no processo de negociação do referido documento. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo apresenta como o tema se insere no tradicional debate da política internacional e da política externa norte-americana com repercussões para o estudo da grande estratégia dos Estados Unidos. No terceiro capítulo, são examinados os relatórios de estratégia de segurança nacional dos governos estudados com o propósito de contribuir para o estudo das variações da política externa dos Estados Unidos para os instrumentos de justiça internacional. Por fim, o quarto capítulo examina a política de oposição ao Tribunal Penal Internacional durante a administração George W. Bush. A conclusão do trabalho traz considerações sobre o consenso subjacente às posições dos Estados Unidos sobre o Tribunal Penal Internacional e, mais genericamente, os regimes internacionais de direitos humanos, e também as dimensões específicas do dissenso observado no discurso dos governos estudados. Esses dissensos dizem respeito aos valores norte-americanos e as distintas interpretações sobre o grau de comprometimento do Estado com uma instituição permanente de justiça internacional / Abstract: The present research has as its objective an examination of the policies of the United States with regard to the International Penal Court from the perspective of the American foreign policy strategy. For the analysis, the review begins with the end of the "cold war" period. As a time of interest in the creation of international courts, the presidencies of George H. W. Bush (1989-1992), William Jefferson "Bill" Clinton 1993-2000) and George W. Bush (2001-2008) are considered. With the beginning of differences in the treatment given by the different North American presidents, variation in the use of instruments of international justice can be perceived. In order to appreciate the meaning of these differences the present analysis has been divided in four chapters. The first chapter is devoted to the presentation of historical antecedents of the creation of the International Criminal Court and its institutional aspects. Special attention is given to the role of the United States in the process of negotiation of the document. Following this, in the second chapter the theme of international justice is inserted into the international political debate, as well as the American foreign policy debate, with implications for the U.S. grand strategy. The third chapter examines reports elaborated on strategies of national security of individual governments with the goal of contributing to the study of variations in North American foreign policy, in view of international justice. Finally, the fourth chapter examines the policy of opposition to the International Penal Court during the administration of George W. Bush. The conclusion of the analysis presents considerations as to the underlying consensus of the positions of the United States regarding the International Criminal Court. In general, the positions of the international regimes as to human rights and specific dimensions of opposition in the discourse of the governments involved are observed. These dimensions represent North American values and the distinct interpretations of the level of commitment of the US Government as a permanent institution of international justice / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política