Spelling suggestions: "subject:"bodypolitics"" "subject:"coreopolitics""
181 |
A geopolitical analysis of U.S. alliance building within the Middle EastHutton, Daniel Mckinley 10 June 2012 (has links)
The concept of geopolitics - is reconsidered as a viable framework in analyzing the power relationship between nation states and then applied to the Middle East.
After reviewing the historical development of geopolitics, it is modified, and then set against alternative approaches in explaining Middle Eastern alliances. Ultimately, geopolitics is used in order to rationalize America's alliance network within the region. / Master of Arts
|
182 |
Winning a race with no finish line : assessing the strategy of interstate competitionSkold, Martin January 2018 (has links)
This dissertation offers a framework for understanding the strategies of states engaged in competition for regional hegemony. Although international relations literature refers extensively to such competition and obliquely to states' strategies, to date little has been done to show how states' strategies in such competition may be analyzed. Drawing on a variety of strategic literature, this dissertation synthesizes a theoretical approach to analyzing the strategies of states engaged in regional security competition. Employing insights drawn from business strategy, this dissertation argues for an essentially asymmetric understanding of fundamental policy goals for states engaged in competition for regional hegemony, with one state attempting to maintain a dominant position and another attempting, by focusing limited resources, to supplant it. The competition is understood metaphorically (based on an anecdote from the end of the Cold War) as a “race with no finish line,” with the reigning hegemon attempting to extend the race and the challenger attempting to create a finish line and cross it. With homage to realism, liberalism, and constructivism, possible state goals are categorized as belonging to three realms: security, welfare, and intangible goals. These are used as metrics for a state's success or failure in any given competitive scenario, as well as the resources at its disposal. Drawing on military strategic literature, this thesis then applies decision-cycle analysis to state competitive behavior. The conclusions from this analysis are then synthesized into a framework for analysis of similar regional competitive scenarios, the first such framework yet devised for such purposes. A case study: the “Dreadnought Race” between Britain and Germany prior to World War One, is then examined, in which states' performance is analyzed in the competitive scenario in light of the above strategic precepts.
|
183 |
The impact of Gorbachev's reforms on the disintegration of the Soviet UnionCarlyle, Keith Cecil 07 1900 (has links)
This dissertation of limited scope traces the attempts by Gorbachev
(1985-1991) to reform an economic, political and social system which was in
a state of terminal decline.
The origins of its demise, it is argued, lay in the ossified command
economy inherited from Stalin. The enormous damage inflicted on Soviet
agriculture during collectivisation in the 1930s~ when millions of productive
peasants died, proved to be a fatal blow to that sector.
Tlms, Gorbachev followed a two-fold strategy ofrefonn. Glasnost
(openness) was introduced to allow constructive debate on economic and
social matters. Despite a hesitant beginning, the right to criticise allowed the
emergence of more radical campaigners, such as Yeltsin who demanded
greater democracy. Significantly, the revival of ethnic nationalist demands in
the republics led to disintegration.
Perestroika (restructuring) was intended to modernise and boost living
standards. The economy faltered but the market was not yet in place / History / M.A. (History)
|
184 |
The impact of Gorbachev's reforms on the disintegration of the Soviet UnionCarlyle, Keith Cecil. January 2002 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Africa, 2002.
|
185 |
Theories and practice of “soft power” : their relevance for China (as a rising power) in its relationship with African statesParuk, Farhana 11 1900 (has links)
This study emphasizes the role of soft power in China’s relations with Africa. It attempts to explore and interpret China’s role in Africa from Joseph Nye’s perspective of soft power and Realism in general.
China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism. In the past two decades, it is based on the need to protect its national interest, by expanding trade and diplomatic relations. For this reason, China has expanded economic interest in Africa by means of mutual development and investment, economic cooperation and trade. This has led to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between China and Africa, through the provision of aid and diplomatic cooperation. By using ‘soft power’ as a vehicle to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power, it also makes a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world.
Based on the research, the conclusion is that China has achieved impressive gains in its overall level of soft power in Africa, especially in economic and political aspects of its relationship with Africa and less in its cultural penetrations. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)
|
186 |
Increasing soft power - a case study of South Africa's bid to host the FIFA 2010 World CupMarx, Andrew Morne 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to determine if South Africa was actively attempting to boost its
soft power or symbolic power during the country’s bid to host the Fifa 2010 World
Cup. Preceding works dealing with mega-events identified a number of potential
benefits to the hosting nation. Some of these benefits include opportunities for
development (sport and socio-economic), nation building, urban regeneration, and
marketing. Previous works have focused a great deal on economic and nation
building aspects of mega-events. The marketing possibility for a host to develop as a
tourist destination has also enjoyed some focus.
There also exists a large amount of literature dealing with power – its nature,
resources and types. There is for instance structural and relational power while, in the
traditional sense, wealth and military might may be seen as power resources.
However, the importance and maintenance of soft power – or symbolic or co-optive
power, as defined in this study – has been greatly overshadowed by the traditional
ideas of power and as a result, neglected by International Relations scholars.
This study links the marketing potential of mega-events with the deployment of soft
power. The case study specifically deals with South Africa’s World Cup bid as a
marketing forum for enhancing the country’s soft power. For such an analysis it is
necessary to investigate South Africa’s diplomatic status, global position, relationship
with the North and South, and power resources. The importance of soft power being
essential to South Africa’s specific situation, global position and future, is also
investigated.
Using the bid for the 2010 World Cup, this study concludes that South Africa was
indeed projecting specifically chosen images of the country with the intention of
enhancing the country’s soft power. It is furthermore argued that these images are
both a reflection and in support of South Africa’s foreign policy and emerging middle
power position. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vas te stel of Suid Afrika doelgerig probeer het om die land se
sagte mag te versterk tydens die Fifa 2010 Wêreldbekerbod. Vorige studies oor
grootskaalse gebeurtenisse meen dat dit sekere potensieële voordele inhou vir die
gasheer. Dit sluit in geleenthede vir ontwikkeling (sport en sosio-ekonomies), nasiebou,
en stedelike herlewing en bemarking. Vorige werke het ook meerendeels
gefokus op die ekonomiese en nasie-bou aspekte van grootskaalse gebeurtenisse. Die
bemarkingsvoordele wat dit inhou vir die gasheer se toerismebedryf is ook gereeld
vehandel.
Daar bestaan ook vele geskrewe werke oor mag. Verskillende bronne van mag is
ondermeer ‘n gewilde onderwerp. Daar is byvoorbeeld strukturele mag en
verhoudings mag. Tradisioneel word militêre en ekonomiese vermoëns gesien as
bronne van mag. Die belangrikheid van sagte mag of simboliese mag, soos dit in
hierdie studie gedefinieër word, is egter tot ‘n groot mate oorskadu deur traditionele
idees van mag. Daardeur het Internasionale Betrekkinge akademici dit ook tot ‘n
mate afgeskeep.
Hierdie studie illustreer die bemarkingspotentiaal wat grootskaalse gebeurtenisse
inhou vir sagte mag. Die gevallestudie handel spesifiek oor Suid Afrika se 2010 bod
as ‘n potentieële bemarkingsforum vir die bevordering van die land se sagte mag. Die
analise het vereis dat Suid Afrika se diplomatieke status, globale posisie, verhouding
met die Noorde en Suide, en bronne van mag behandel word. Die belangrikheid van
sagte mag vir Suid Afrika se toekoms word ook aangespreek.
Die gevolgtrekking is dat Suid Afrika wel gepoog het om sekere gekose beelde na die
buiteland te projekteer. Die spesifieke doel met die beelde was om die land se sagte
mag uit te brei. ‘n Verdere bevinding is dat die beelde gelyktydig Suid Afrika se
buitelandse beleid en ontluikende middel magsposisie gereflekteer het.
|
187 |
Changes in global governance : the case of the G20Roen, Tomas Alfred 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The 2008 global economic crisis marks the beginning of considerable systemic changes in global governance. The ‘Group of 20’ (G20), which entered the centre stage of global governance in response to the crisis, may be seen as both a result of and as a vehicle for those changes. Representing some 85 per cent of the global economy the group has the potential to alter the international order almost by stealth. Hence, there is good reason for undertaking a deeper examination of its role in and impact on global governance. This study critically examines some of the changes in global governance embodied – and brought about – by the G20. By using analytical tools from the critical theory of Robert Cox and constructivism, it studies changes in three dimensions of global governance: the material, the institutional and the ideational, so as to achieve a holistic understanding of the nature of the changes taking place within global governance. In so doing, the study sheds light on the role of the G20 in global governance, the impact of the group on global cooperation and the nature of the shift in global governance that it represents. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die 2008 globale ekonomiese krisis kan as die begin van aansienlike sistemiese veranderinge in globale regeerkunde beskou word. Die 'Groep van 20' (G20), wat in reaksie op die krisis ’n sentrale rol in globale regeerkunde ingeneem het, kan as beide 'n resultaat en drywer van hierdie veranderinge gesien word. Die groep verteenwoordig ongeveer 85 persent van die globale ekonomie, en het dus die potensiaal om grootskaalse verandering in die internasionale orde te weeg te bring. Dit is dus belangrik om die groep se rol in globale regeerkunde meer deeglik te ondersoek. Deur gebruik te maak van analitiese metodes wat gebasseer is op die kritiese teorie van Robert Cox asook konstruktivisme, ondersoek hierdie studie veranderinge in drie dimensies van globale regeerkunde. Materiële en institusionele veranderinge, asook veranderinge binne die dimensie van idees, word geïdentifiseer met die oog op 'n meer holistiese begrip van die aard van die veranderinge. Die studie werp daardeur lig op die rol van die G20 in globale regeerkunde, die groep se impak op globale samewerking, en die aard van die magsverskuiwing in globale regeerkunde wat dit verteenwoordig.
|
188 |
British, French, and American attitudes and policies towards the rebirth of Poland, 1914-1921Clark, John Denis Havey January 2015 (has links)
This thesis considers how attitudes shaped British, French, and American policy regarding the rebirth of Poland. From the outbreak of war in 1914 to the plebiscite in Upper Silesia in 1921, Allied and American policy-makers first considered whether Poland should be an independent state and then where its borders should be. As they did this, they developed attitudes about these questions, for instance about Poles and the right or ability of the Polish nation to administer a modern state. Such considerations assumed that national character exists and is important in the success or failure of a country. My research draws on literature from social psychology in defining the development of such understandings as consistent with stereotyping, in other words using generalisations about social groups to understand those groups or individuals. Allied and American policy-makers considered Poles to be, for instance, quarrelsome, aggressive, anti-Semitic, pitiable, passionate, or loyal. The thesis begins by examining pre-war attitudes to Poland and the impact of the war on these and on the diplomacy of the Polish question. It then discusses the re-emergence of an independent Poland in 1918 and the impact on policies and attitudes of the Polish delegation’s claims at the Paris Peace Conference, of events on the ground, and of the Russo-Polish War. Allied and American decision-making on the rebirth of Poland was central for European diplomacy not only because the attitudes they expressed left lingering grudges on both sides, but also because Poland’s frontiers were an irritant throughout the interwar period until Germany and Russia invaded Poland in September 1939. Moreover, the conclusion that attitudes were a factor in decision-making contributes to a growing recognition among international historians and international relations theorists that it is necessary to look beyond individuals' 'rational' motivations.
|
189 |
"Politische Wissenschaft" im Zweiten Weltkrieg : die "Deutschen Auslandswissenschaften" im Einsatz 1940 - 1945 /Botsch, Gideon. Steinbach, Peter. January 2006 (has links) (PDF)
Freie Univ., Diss.--Berlin, 2003.
|
190 |
The impact of Gorbachev's reforms on the disintegration of the Soviet UnionCarlyle, Keith Cecil 07 1900 (has links)
This dissertation of limited scope traces the attempts by Gorbachev
(1985-1991) to reform an economic, political and social system which was in
a state of terminal decline.
The origins of its demise, it is argued, lay in the ossified command
economy inherited from Stalin. The enormous damage inflicted on Soviet
agriculture during collectivisation in the 1930s~ when millions of productive
peasants died, proved to be a fatal blow to that sector.
Tlms, Gorbachev followed a two-fold strategy ofrefonn. Glasnost
(openness) was introduced to allow constructive debate on economic and
social matters. Despite a hesitant beginning, the right to criticise allowed the
emergence of more radical campaigners, such as Yeltsin who demanded
greater democracy. Significantly, the revival of ethnic nationalist demands in
the republics led to disintegration.
Perestroika (restructuring) was intended to modernise and boost living
standards. The economy faltered but the market was not yet in place / History / M.A. (History)
|
Page generated in 0.0539 seconds