The conceptual divide between “hard power” and “soft power,” and the resources that constitute the basis of each, remain hotly debated topics among International Relations theorists as well as foreign policy advisors and analysts. Two developments in the last decade that have greatly influenced the study of the hard-power/soft-power dichotomy are: (1) the pursuit by many single-state actors of foreign policy strategies identifying and actively incorporating soft-power instruments, and (2) the realization by political theorists that individual policy instruments often exhibit unexpected hard and soft-power characteristics and effects, sometimes resulting in hard power acting soft and soft power acting hard. Exploring this dichotomy further, I examine the Russian Federation’s use of its hard and soft power with respect to the de facto independent Georgian separatist region of Abkhazia from 1999-2009 by identifying specific Russian foreign policy instruments employed in the bilateral relationship and analyzing how these instruments draw upon and project Russian hard and soft power. My findings support research addressing instances when traditionally defined hard-power instruments display soft-power effects, and vice versa, and highlight examples of individual policy instruments producing both hard and soft-power effects simultaneously; coercing a subject while they co-opt its interests. In addition, I find that the Russian Federation is actively employing soft-power methods of engagement in its contemporary foreign policy strategy, having substantially increased this employment between 1999-2009— particularly with respect to Abkhazia. Concerning the Russia-Abkhazia relationship specifically, I conclude that, based on Russia’s engagement of the region from 1999- 2009, ties between the country and the de facto state will continue to strengthen, however, with Abkhazia in an increasingly supplicant position. / text

From the start of the Obama administration’s “pivot to Asia” in 2011 until November 2023, 78 foreign visits have been made by three U.S. Presidents and five Secretaries of State to Southeast Asia. To uncover the U.S. ambitions in Southeast Asia, this thesis uses frame analysis to study speeches, statements, and remarks published by the U.S. Department of State and the White House during the visits to categorize them as displaying predominantly soft, hard, or smart power. The frames identified during the visits show that each administration has displayed a different kind of power. While the Obama administration focused on soft power, the Trump administration displayed significantly more hard power. The Biden administration used almost exclusively smart power during their visits. The thesis contributes to the operationalization of Joseph Nye’s concepts of soft, hard, and smart power, while also attempting to understand the U.S. ambition in Southeast Asia, especially as relations with the PRC have become increasingly tense.

This thesis examines how corporations use North Korea’s media portrayal to profit. By gaining government contracts to develop weapons and missile defense systems, companies such as Lockheed Martin make billions of dollars. The thesis will examine how this is accomplished in three stages: first, by examining how soft power is generated and used to build a consensus. Then, government usage of soft power to rationalize North Korea as a threat is discussed. Finally, how corporations profit from government-authorized weapons programs will be detailed. The thesis will incorporate theory based off of the ideas of Joseph Nye, as well as geopolitical concepts promulgated by Michael Hardt. / Graduate

Power as a concept has a long history of being debated in regards to foreign policy, whereforeign aid as a tool can create asymmetrical power dynamics between donor and recipient.Traditional donors' own national interests have frequently been reduced to security oreconomic motives. China, an independent and emerging donor, is thought to be among themajor donors of foreign aid today. With the growing Belt and Road Initiative, China's globaleconomic ambition is increasing. The general theme of this study is power in relation toforeign aid. The aim is to examine donor motives and how foreign aid can transitioneconomic power to political influence in accordance with Joseph Nye’s theory of power. Inaddition, could China's aid-project be regarded as a “smart power”-strategy? This was doneby examining China’s whitebook on development cooperation through a motive analysis. Inaddition, a method of process-tracing on the case of Chinese aid to Cambodia wasimplemented to examine how China’s foreign aid can manifest as a means of power.Cambodia is a top receiver of Chinese aid, and therefore interesting to explore. The resultsshowed that China’s donor motives can be summarised as security, global development andambition, cooperation, commercial and diplomatic interests. Furthermore, evidence was foundthat Chinese foreign aid can be considered a means of power in Cambodia. Largely becauseof an asymmetrical bilateral relationship as well as Cambodia’s weak state capacity.

This study emphasizes the role of soft power in China’s relations with Africa. It attempts to explore and interpret China’s role in Africa from Joseph Nye’s perspective of soft power and Realism in general. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism. In the past two decades, it is based on the need to protect its national interest, by expanding trade and diplomatic relations. For this reason, China has expanded economic interest in Africa by means of mutual development and investment, economic cooperation and trade. This has led to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between China and Africa, through the provision of aid and diplomatic cooperation. By using ‘soft power’ as a vehicle to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power, it also makes a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Based on the research, the conclusion is that China has achieved impressive gains in its overall level of soft power in Africa, especially in economic and political aspects of its relationship with Africa and less in its cultural penetrations. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

This study emphasizes the role of soft power in China’s relations with Africa. It attempts to explore and interpret China’s role in Africa from Joseph Nye’s perspective of soft power and Realism in general. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism. In the past two decades, it is based on the need to protect its national interest, by expanding trade and diplomatic relations. For this reason, China has expanded economic interest in Africa by means of mutual development and investment, economic cooperation and trade. This has led to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between China and Africa, through the provision of aid and diplomatic cooperation. By using ‘soft power’ as a vehicle to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power, it also makes a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Based on the research, the conclusion is that China has achieved impressive gains in its overall level of soft power in Africa, especially in economic and political aspects of its relationship with Africa and less in its cultural penetrations. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)