"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.

Despite the role played by the South East Treaty Organisation (SEATO) in the defence of Western interests in that region during the Cold War, there has to date been no scholarly attempt to examine the development and performance of the organisation as a military alliance. This thesis is thus the first attempt to do so and as such seeks to take advantage of the recent release of much SEATO-related official material into the public domain by Western governments. This material throws new light upon SEATO???s aims and achievements, particularly in regard to the first ten years of its existence. Because SEATO was eventually rendered irrelevant by the events of the Second Indochina War (1965-1975) a popular perception has arisen that it was always a ???Paper Tiger??? lacking in substance, and thus easily dismissed. This thesis challenges this assumption by examining SEATO???s development in the decade before that conflict. The thesis analyses SEATO???s place in the wider Cold War and finds that it was part of a rational and consistent response within the broader Western strategy of containment to deter, and if need be, defeat, the threat of communist aggression. That threat was a very real one for Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the First Indochina War and one that was initially perceived in terms of the conventional military balance of power. This focus dominated SEATO???s strategic concepts and early contingency planning and rightly so, as an examination of the strength and development of the PLA and PAVN during this period demonstrates. SEATO developed a dedicated military apparatus, principally the Military Planning Office (MPO), that proved itself to be perfectly capable of providing the level of co-ordination and planning needed to produce a credible SEATO deterrent in this regard. SEATO enjoyed less success with its attempts to respond to the emergence of a significant communist insurgent threat, first in Laos then in South Vietnam, but the alliance did nonetheless recognise this threat and the failure of SEATO in this regard was one of political will rather than military doctrine. Indeed this thesis confirms that it was the increasingly disparate political agendas of a number of SEATO???s members that ultimately paralysed its ability to act and thus ensured its failure to meet its aims, at least insofar as the so-called ???Protocol States??? were concerned. But this failure should not be allowed to completely overshadow SEATO???s earlier achievements in providing a modicum of Western-backed stability and security to the region from 1955-1965.

Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-108).

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 134-140). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (MMAS) -- U. S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. / AD-A475 486. Available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Flinders University, School of Politics and International Studies. / Typescript bound. Includes bibliographical references: (leaves 336-398) Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 212-230).

Au cours de ces recherches, nous construisons à partir de ce que nous nommons politiques-philosophiques, des politiques non-standards. Les politiques-philosophiques sont construites comme des philosophies, ce sont des philosophies à part entière, donc des politiques. Politiques car elles ne s’affranchissent pas de l’horizon grec de la cité ou du plan de transcendance. Nous cherchons une politique non-standard susceptible d’aborder tout le champ philosophique pour le transformer et en caractériser les gestes et opérations, c’est pourquoi nous traitons de multiples problématiques qui sont chaque fois occasion de « politique » et de levée de celle-ci en son horizon grec, celui de la cité. La politique non-standard est sujet et elle existe étrangère à la philosophie et au Monde qui sont identiques, elle ne détruit pas la philosophie qui est une décision sur le Réel, mais elle la transforme selon la modalité de la dualyse unilatérale qui déploie cette décision afin d’en révéler les mécanismes qui sont ignorés. Nous voyons dans ce travail que la politique vise la transformation du réel au moyen de la pensée et qu’elle programme de la modification dans l’homme avec la transformation de ses pensées. / In this research, we build non-standard politics from what we call philosophical-politics. Philosophical-politics are built as philosophies, they are philosophies per se, and therefore they are politics. Politics because they are not freed from the Greek horizon of the city or of the plane of transcendence. We are looking for non-standard politics which can investigate all the philosophical field in order to transform it and characterise its movements and operations. This is why the different problematics we address are all considered as “politics” detached from their Greek horizon, the horizon of the city. Non-standard politics is a subject and exists apart from philosophy and World which are identical. It doesn’t destroy philosophy which is a decision about Reality, but it modifies it according to the unilateral dualysis modality which shows this decision in order to reveal its unconscious mechanisms. In this research, we can see that politics seeks transformation of the Reality through thinking and programs human transformation through changing his thought.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T06:35:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cardozo_SandraAparecida_D.pdf: 1886884 bytes, checksum: c3002679902720555baacb3bc3f9709a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa como a interação entre Brasil e Índia nos anos 2000 tem relação com as trajetórias autonomistas dos dois países. Apoiado no construtivismo para execução do desenvolvimento do estudo, as políticas internacionais de cada um dos países são apresentadas, inicialmente, no decorrer de um longo período, incluindo o da Guerra Fria, onde se percebem os princípios, ideias e identidades autonomistas e críticas à estruturação do poder mundial. Na mesma perspectiva, a análise caminha para a exposição de posturas e atuações de Brasil e Índia, no mundo pós-Guerra Fria, e demonstra perante as mudanças das políticas internacionais de cada um, a preservação de posturas autonomistas, a defesa do multilateralismo e a participação dos países em desenvolvimento nas instâncias decisórias internacionais. Por fim, são expostas as principais formas de interações entre Brasil e Índia e suas posturas concertadas sobre grandes temas da agenda internacional. Argumenta-se que a aproximação entre Índia e Brasil, nos últimos anos, advém do conhecimento que cada país tem um do outro, da defesa de valores dos países em desenvolvimento, ou seja, a convergência de identidades que alavancam novas idéias e interesses. Estes elementos, então, contribuem para a reconfiguração da identidade sul no mundo pós-Guerra Fria / Abstract: This paper analyzes how the interaction between Brazil and India in the 2000s is related to the autonomous trajectories of the two countries. Based on the constructivism as to execute the development of the study, the international policies of each country are presented, initially, over a long period, including the Cold War, in which we can meet the principles, ideas, autonomous identities and some critics to the structuring of world power. Under the same perspective, the analysis moves to the exposure of Brazil and India postures and performances in the post-Cold War context and it demonstrates before the changes of the international policy of each one the preservation of autonomy postures, the defense of multilateralism and the developing countries participation in international decision-makers. Finally, it exposes the main forms of interactions between India and Brazil and their postures, arranged within major topics of the international agenda. It is argued that the nearness of India and Brazil in recent years comes from the knowledge each country has from one another, from the defense of values in developing countries, i.e. the convergence of identities that leverage new ideas and interests. These elements then contribute to the reconfiguration of southern identity in the post-Cold War era / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

M.Litt et Phil. / In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat normaalweg ook deur die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) as verstotelinge beskou word (Geldenhuys, 1997:15). Vir die doel van hierdie studie word hierdie nege beskou as die post-Koue Oorlogse verstotelingstate. Die meeste van hulle word nie slegs deur die VSA as verstotelinge behandel nie, maar deur verskeie ander state, en in sommige gevalle selfs deur die internasionale gemeenskap in die bree.